Abstract
Despite the growing anti-Semitism in Russia and Poland, the beginning of the Beilis Case, governmental repressions such as widespread expulsions, the closing down of the Jewish Literary Society in July 1911, and other restrictions on the cultural activities of Russian Jews, Jewish social activists continued their struggle for education, economic self-help, as well as their political efforts. It seemed that further restrictions only spurred on the activists, and led to a creativity in organizations like ORPE and ORT which sometimes, however, left Russian realities far behind, but which, nevertheless, was to become the basis for further development after World War I in the resurrected Polish Republic.1
This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes and References
The declaration stated: ‘in the name of justice, reason and humanity, we raise our voice against the blaze of fanaticism and dark untruth’, and it finally called on Russian society to counteract the lie of the blood libel. See Razsvet, no. 49, 2 December 1911, cols 21–23; see also Mark Vishniak, ‘Anti-Semitism in Tsarist Russia. A Study in Government-Fostered Anti-semitism’, in Koppel S. Pinson (ed.), Essays on Anti-semitism (New York, 1942) pp. 108–9;
for Korolenko’s ‘engagement’ in the struggle for Jewish rights and his general view of the Jewish question see Maurice Comtet, ‘V.G. Korolenko et la Question Juive en Russie’, in Cahiers du monde russe et sovietique, 10 (1969) pp. 228–56.
See S. Elpatevskii, ‘Evreiskii vopros’, in Russkoe Bogatstvo, no. 10, 1913, pp. 348–59; or
M. Lvovich, ‘Kontr-revoliutsiia i evrei’, in Russkoe Bogatstvo, no. 12, 1911, pp. 43–58; for Korolenko’s campaign against anti-Semitism, and his activities as a correspondent for various Russian newspapers during the Beilis trial,
see Frank Häusler, ‘V.G. Korolenkos Kampf gegen den Antisemitismus’, in Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, X/1 (February 1961) pp. 237–48.
See V. Medem, ‘Evreiskii vopros v Rossii’, in Vestnik Evropy, no. 4, 1911, pp. 271–84;
V. Zhabotinskii, ‘Pisma o natsional′nostiakh i oblastiakh’, in Russkaia Mysl, no. 1, 1913, pp. 95–114.
For Lucien Wolf’s struggle against granting loans to the Russian government through his journal Darkest Russia see Zosa Szajkowski, ‘Paul Nathan, Lucien Wolf, Jacob H. Schiff and the Jewish Revolutionary Movements in Eastern Europe, 1903–1917’, in Jewish Social Studies, 29 (1967) pp. 3–26, and especially pp. 19–20;
for the West European bankers’ ‘engagement’ see C.C. Aronsfeld, ‘Jewish Bankers and the Tsar’, in Jewish Social Studies, 35 (1973) pp. 87–104; for Jacob Schiff’s activity in this matter see his letter of February 20 1911 to US president Taft,
in Cyrus Adler, Jacob H. Schiff. His Life and Letters, vol. II (New York, 1928) pp. 147–9.
See Der Fraind, no. 282, 8 December 1911, p. 1; for more details see Naomi W. Cohen, ‘The Abrogation of the Russo-American Treaty of 1832’, in Jewish Social Studies, 25 (1963) no. 1, pp. 3–41; and Best, To Free a People, pp. 166–201. One example for the protest campaign in the Unted States can be seen in The United States Passport and Russia by Hon. Rufus B. Smith, a paper read before the Temple Club of Congregation Bene Israel Cincinnati, April 5 1911, and printed by resolution of the club.
The trial was reported in detail in all Jewish newspapers, for instance, Der Fraind, no. 221, 25 September 1913, p. 1; Novyi Voskhod, no. 42, 16 October 1913, cols 5–33; no. 43, 24 October 1913, cols 6–26; no. 44, 31 October 1913, cols 6–57; and D. Pasmanik, ‘Tragizm′ malen′koi dramy’, in Razsvet, no. 41, 9 October 1913, cols 3–5; extensive coverage of the Beilis Case was also given throughout the period in the respective numbers of the London Jewish Chronicle, and in its supplement Darkest Russia; the Beilis Case itself lies outside the scope of this study.
For a detailed account see Maurice Samuel, Blood Accusation. The Strange History of the Beiliss Case (London, 1967); Hans Rogger, ‘The Beiliss Case: Anti-Semitism and Politics in the Reign of Nicholas II’, in Rogger, Jewish Policies, pp. 40–55; Löwe, Antisemitismus, pp. 134–45; and
Alexander B. Tager, The Decay of Czarism: the Beiliss Trial (Philadelphia, 1935); and finally,
see the memoirs of Beiliss lawyer O.O. Gruzenberg, Yesterday: Memoirs of a Russian-Jewish Lawyer (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1981) pp. 104–24; a nationalist-conservative Russian Duma deputy criticized the instigators of the Beilis Case for the fact that ‘they could not have given a better propaganda weapon to Russian Jews than to pursue with the blood libel’.
See V.V. Shulgin, The Years: Memoirs of a Member of the Russian Duma, 1906–1917, translated by Tanya Davis (New York, 1984) pp. 102–23.
See Der Fraind, no. 143, 26 June 1912, p. 3, and no. 147, 1 July 1912, p. 1 ; the Jewish Duma candidates came from the same strata as in previous elections. To name a few candidates: the lawyers Stachunskii and Pollak (Dvinsk), Berezovskii and Polonskii (Ekaterinoslav), the doctor Yarin and the former state rabbi, the lawyer Freidenberg (Kremenchug). See Novyi Voskhod, no. 39, 27 July 1912, col. 20; or the lawyers Nevelshtein, doctor Khasin (Kherson), state rabbi Temkin (Elizavetgrad), engineer Liubarskii and the lawyer Burkser (Mariupol), bank director Finkelshtein and the lawyer Yudin (Vitebsk). See ibidem, no. 40, 4 October 1912, col. 13; for the Jewish election committee in Vilna see Der Fraind, no. 154, 9 July 1912, p. 1.
In one of the police districts in Odessa, civil servants changed regulations so that in order to gain the right to vote Jews were required to have had an apartment in the city since ten years instead of one; or, in many cities, many Jewish voters were simply disfranchised, for instance in Kiev and Kherson. See Der Fraind, no. 148, 2 July 1912, p. 1; the editor of the Jewish newspaper Hatsefira, Sokolov was deleted from the electors’ list by the authorities in Belostok by referring to the fact that he had the right to vote in Warsaw, but not in Belostok. See Novyi Voskhod, no. 29, 19 July 1912, col. 15; for more information on the elections in general, and the machinations etc. in particular see Ya.L., ‘Vybory’, in Ezhegodnik gazety Rech’ 1913, pp. 198–239.
For instance, in Ekaterinoslav, see Der Fraind, no. 190, 20 August 1912, p. 3; and
Minsk, see Der Fraind, no. 203, 6 September 1912, p. 1.
The Jewish Nationalists anticipated that the Kadets would thereby be forced to withdraw their candidate Nikolskii. See Der Fraind, no. 166, 23 July 1912, p. 1;
ibid., no. 170, 27 July 1912, p. 1. For the Zionists’ decision to nominate Zhabotinskii, ibid., no. 137, 17 June 1912, p. 1.
The alliance between Kadets and ENG was confirmed in an interview of the Kadet Kolubakin with Der Fraind. He argued that it was impossible to run two oppositional candidates in the second curia, while in the first curia which was separated according to nationalities, the opposition’s best candidate was Sliozberg. Therefore, while the ENG would support the Kadets’ candidate in the second city curia, Nikolskii, the Kadets would vote for Sliozberg in the first curia. See Der Fraind, no. 147, 1 July 1912, p. 1; also S. Kal′manovich, ‘Odesskoe evreistvo i evreiskaia kandidatury v 4-iu Gosudarstvennuiu Dumu’, in Novyi Voskhod, no. 25, 21 June 1912, cols 4–7.
See Der Fraind, no. 242, 28 October 1912, p. 1; the SRN distributed leaflets among Jewish voters, threatening pogroms in case of the election of a Jewish deputy from Odessa. The threat proved to be effective: Dr. Himelfarb together with twenty-one other Jews sent a letter in which they assured the SRN that they would not go to the polls as ‘occupation with politics was a dangerous thing’. The SRN committee printed this letter in 50,000 exemplars and distributed them at the polling stations. See Der Fraind, no. 193, 23 August 1912, p. 1. Sliozberg accused the election commission in Odessa — which was headed by the anti-Semite Sosnovskii, and consisted exclusively of members of the SRN — of manipulating the elections; See Sliozberg, Dela, p. 314. The final result of the Odessa elections showed for the First City Curia: 763 votes for Sliozberg, 976 for Professor Levashev; the Second Curia: 5207 for the Kadet Nikolskii, 1163 for the worker Romanovskii, and 10,283 votes for Bishop Anatoli. See Novyi Voskhod, no. 44, 1 November 1912, col. 26; and ‘Sionisty i odesskie vybory’, in Evreiskaia Khronika [Kishinev], no. 40, 10 October 1912, cols 15–19.
See Der Fraind, no. 205, 10 September 1912, p. 2; and Sliozberg, Dela, p. 316. For more detail on the Polish-Jewish relations in general, and the Warsaw elections in particular see Frank Golczewski, Polnisch-Jüdische Beziehungen, 1881–1922. Eine Studie zur Geschichte des Antisemitismus in Osteuropa (Wiesbaden, 1981) pp. 90–120.
Der Fraind, no. 223, 5 October 1912, p. 2; I.A. Kleinman, ‘Pered vyborami v Pol′she’, in Novyi Voskhod, no. 24, 15 June 1911, cols 5–7, and no. 33, 16 August 1911, cols 5–7.
The election of Dr. Bomash in Lodz was no surprise as the Jews commanded the majority in four of six districts. See S. Galperin, ‘Predvyborniia perspektivy’, in Novyi Voskhod, no. 31, 2 August 1912, pp. 14–16. Dr. Bomash was born in Kovno in 1861, finished the local gymnasium, and finished his study in Moscow in 1885. He lived in Lodz since 1892. Despite the fact that he did not belong to any party, later in the Duma he joined the Kadets’ faction. See Der Fraind, no. 241, 26 October 1912, p. 1. Der Fraind was not particularly pleased about the election of Dr. Gurevich and Dr. Bomash, arguing that both were unknown in Jewish society. See Der Fraind, no. 242, 28 October 1912, p. 1.
See Der Fraind, no. 51, 28 February 1913, p. 1. It was also reported that at the last Kadet conference, the Jewish question was not discussed. This foreshadowed Kadet tactics regarding the Jewish question, which were dominated by fear of anti-Jewish outrages in the Duma. See Der Fraind, no. 35, 10 February 1913, p. 3.
This article 87 gave the Prime Minister the right to pass laws in an emergency when Duma and State Council were not in session. Sliozberg was also frustrated because his complaint against the irregularities during the Odessa elections was buried in the Duma. See Der Fraind, no. 247, 2 November 1912, p. 1; and
Der Fraind, no. 248, 4 November 1912, p. 1;
ibid., no. 68, 20 March 1913, p. 2. Kokovtsev’s shares anyway declined after the summer of 1912, when the Tsar had ‘shocked’ him by offering Kokovtsev the post as Russian ambassador to Berlin. This may have resulted from Kokovtsev’s refusal to follow Stolypin’s policies. See Miliukov, Political Memoirs, pp. 283–4; Löwe, Antisemitismus, p. 145.
The bill demanded: first, that the citizens of all nationalities in Russia should be equal before the law; second, no Russian citizen, regardless of sex and confession could be limited in any laws on the basis of his origin or affiliation to any nationality; third, all the laws, central regulations and supplements to laws which restricted the Jews in any sphere of social and state life should be abolished. See Razsvet, no. 14–15, 11 April 1914, col. 22; the Social Democrats’ action is briefly mentioned in Nora Levin, The Jews in the Soviet Union since 1917. Paradox of Survival, vol. I (New York and London, 1990) p. 21.
To put it in Hildermeier’s terms: ‘Social and political change in Russia surpassed the development of the political-administrative institutions’. See Manfred Hildermeier, Die Russische Revolution 1905–1921 (Frankfurt/M., 1989) pp. 33–50).
See Arcadius Kahan, “The Impact of Industrialization in Tsarist Russia on the Socioeconomic Conditions of the Jewish Population’, in Roger Weiss (ed.), Essays in Jewish Social and Economic History: Arcadius Kahan (Chicago and London, 1986) pp. 1–69; here p. 10.
Between 1905 and 1909, the information bureau for emigration of the EKO had increased the number of bureau from 122 to 433, which served 23.5 per cent of the 1,846 localities where Jews were allowed to live. These bureau provided the would-be emigrants with technical information, such as where to buy the cheapest ship tickets, which ship to take, which country to go to and so on. They distributed brochures and leaflets in Yiddish and Russian. In 1909, a total of 12,895 Jews emigrated out of which were 5,929 Russian [of which 4,325 (around 72 per cent) were artisans and 1,604 merchants and employees] and 6,966 Polish Jews [5,871 artisans (84.7 per cent) and 1,095 merchants and employees]. See Jakob Lestschinsky, ‘Die Tätigkeit des Informationsbureaus der ‘Jewish Colonisation Association’ in Rußland’, in Zeitschrift für Demographie und Statistik der Juden, no. 2 (February 1911) pp. 21–2; according to a report of the Odessa branch from 1907, out of 4,507 Jewish emigrants, 427 were afraid to live in Odessa, 396 had invitations from American relatives, 211 were unemployed, 552 justified it with the will to engage themselves in agriculture; the rest (2,921) went for a variety of other reasons. See Zeitschrift für Demographie und Statistik der Juden, no. 5 (May 1908) pp. 78–9. These numbers indicate that Jews did not only emigrate because of anti-Semitism or unemployment, but for all sorts of reasons.
To mention some main Jewish centres: Odessa’s Jewish population grew from about 20,000 (1850) to 160,000 (1910); Ekaterinoslav’s from 2,000 to 70,000 (1910); Lodz from 2,000 (1850) to 100,000 (1897) to decrease due to emigration to 80,000 (1910); Vilna from 15,000 (1850) to 70,000 (1910), and finally, Warsaw became the biggest Jewish centre with 280,000 Jewish inhabitants in 1910. See Baron, The Russian Jew, pp. 65–8; Lestschinsky mentioned slightly different data, but the trend remains the same. See Jacob Lestschinsky, Dos Yudishe Folk in Tsiffern (Berlin, 1922) p. 71. For data on the urbanization process in the gubernii of the Pale see pp. 52–64.
See Arcadius Kahan, ‘Notes on Jewish Entrepreneurship in Tsarist Russia’, in Weiss, Essays in Jewish Social and Economic History, pp. 82–100; and B. Brutskus, ‘Die sozial-ökonomische Lage der Juden in Rußland von 1905 bis jetzt’, in Zeitschrift für Demograpie und Statistik der Juden, no. 1 (January–February 1924) pp. 4–10; no. 2 (March–April 1924) pp. 42–51; and no. 3–4 (May–July 1924) pp. 83–5; these positive signs for Jewish handicraft were already reported for 1906,
see S. Margolin, ‘Die Entwicklung des jüdischen Handwerks in Rus sland’, in Zeitschrift für Demographie und Statistik der Juden, no. 4 (April 1906) pp. 148–51.
For the foundation of the Society in Belostok see Der Fraind, no. 209, 8 September 1910, p. 3;
and for Dvinsk see Der Fraind, no. 167, 21 July 1911, p. 3. Apparently, the foundation of the Society in Dvinsk was encouraged by EKO which had promised financial aid and materialized by local communal activists.
The EKO was founded by Baron de Hirsch in 1891 with the intention of solving the Jewih problem by resettling Russian Jews in Argentine. EKO switched to training of artisans and education of Jewish farmers. Therefore, since the second half of the 1890s EKO became increasingly involved in Russian-Jewish affairs. For more general information on the EKO see Theodore Norman, An Outstretched Arm. A History of the Jewish Colonization Association (London, Boston and Melbourne, 1985).
For the opening of the new section at the Vilna school see Der Fraind, no. 167, 21 July 1911, p. 3. Apparently thirteen students had finished the course by the end of August, 1911, and even found employment in the factories. See Der Fraind, no. 200, 29 August 1911, p. 3. According to Shapiro, the ‘drivers project was privately founded by M. Ginzburg’, See Shapiro, History of ORT, pp. 64–6; for a very brief description of ORT activity in this period see Jack Rader, By the Skill of their Hands. The Story of ORT (Geneva, 1970) pp. 14–16.
For the credit co-operatives see Wlad. W. Kaplun-Kogan, ‘Jüdische Kreditgesellschaften auf Gegenseitigkeit in Rußland’, in Zeitschrift für Demographie und Statistik der Juden, no. 6 (June 1913) pp. 89–92. He basically summarized what Moses Silberfarb had written on the Credit Co-operatives in Razsvet.
See Dr.M. Zilberfarb, ‘Evreiskiia obshchestva vzaimnago kredita’, in Razsvet, no. 6, 8 February 1913, pp. 5–8; no. 7, 15 February 1913, pp. 15–16; no. 8, 22 February 1913, pp. 2–4; no. 10, 8 March 1913, pp. 7–10.
See S.O.M. [Margolin?], ‘S′ezd deiateli po melkomu kreditu i sel′sko-khoziaistvennoi kooperatsii’, in Novyi Voskhod, no. 11, 15 March 1912, col. 11;
see also the following reports S.O.M.’s in Novyi Voskhod, no. 12–13, 22 March 1912, cols 18–22, no. 14, 5 April 1912, cols 13–20.
More than forty representatives of Jewish Loan and Saving Co-operatives were present at this congress. See Der Fraind, no. 62, 13 March 1912, p. 3. The total number of participants was 700, of whom 100 were Jewish. The Jewish participants were represented in the ‘legislative commission’ by the ORT activists I.A. Blium, L.S. Zak and S.B. Ratner. See S. Segal′, ‘Itogi kooperativnago s′ezda’, in Novyi Voskhod, no. 12–13, 22 March 1912, cols 10–13.
See S. Segal, ‘Itogi kooperativnaia s′ezda’, in Novyi Voskhod, no. 12–13, 22 March 1912, cols 10–13.
In Lodz, the Jewish textile entrepreneurs, Markus Kutner & Son and Zilberblat agreed to engage Jewish weavers at the mechanized looms; in Tomashevo, the Jewish entrepreneur Borenshtein had set up a factory employing exclusively Jewish work force; and in Zdunskaia Volia, 2,000 Jewish women and children were already working at mechanized looms. See Kh.D. Gurevich, ‘Chto dal nam 1911 god v sotsial′no-ekonomicheskoi oblasti?’, in Novyi Voskhod, no. 1, 5 January 1912, cols 7–8.
Brutskus stated that the tobacco industry of Bessarabia was in Jewish hands; that the peasants in the governments of Minsk and Grodno complained about a Jewish monopoly in vegetable gardening; and that the Jews took the leading role in hop-culture in Volynia. See N. Dain, ‘V Obshchestve remeslennago i zemledel′cheskago Truda’, in Novyi Voskhod, no. 40, 4 October 1912, pp. 7–11; these successes in agriculture were also reported in Gurevich’s annual report on the economic situation of Russian Jewry in 1912 in Novyi Voskhod. According to him, the successes in many fields were based on innovations introduced by the Jews: in viticulture the Jews secured a bigger harvest by introducing measures against the vine-louse; the farmers’ co-operatives had provided the farmers with seeds, tools and dairy cattle, taken care of leasing land and the sale of agricultural products. Success in Jewish agricultural colonies was based on the intensification of farming. In vegetable gardening a new method for preserving vegetables had opened up markets far away.
See Dr. Kh.D. Gurevich, ‘Ekonomicheskaia zhizn′ russkago evreistva v 1912 godu’, in Novyi Voskhod, no. 3, 17 January 1913, pp. 12–16.
For more information on the history of the Jewish agricultural colonies in Russia, and the various fields of activity — mentioned above — see J.M. Isler, Rückkehr der Juden zur Landwirtschaft. Beitrag zur Geschichte der Landwirtschaftlichen Kolonisation der Juden in verschiedenen Landern (Frankfurt/M., 1929) pp. 14–36.
For more information on these libraries, see David Shavit, ‘The Emergence of Jewish Public Libraries in Tsarist Russia’, in Journal of Library History, 20, 3 (1985) pp. 239–52.
For more information see Steven J. Zipperstein, ‘Transforming the Heder: Maskilic Politics in Imperial Russia’, in Ada Rapoport-Albert and Steven J. Zipperstein (eds), Jewish History: Essays in honour of Chimen Abramsky (London, 1988) pp. 87–109. Here, Zipperstein describes the former announcements as part of early ORPE activity aiming at secularizing and modernizing the Heder; however, further efforts were either blocked by the government or failed due to the fact that ORPE leadership did not yet command wider support within Jewish society.
The 1910 official report of the ministry of education mentioned 68,816 Jewish pupils at Russian primary schools, 49,691 Jewish students at Russian secondary schools (gymnasia and pro-gymnasia — 11.4 per cent), 13,843 at Russian trade schools (32.4 per cent), 4,244 University students (10.3 per cent), 1,901 at Technical Universities (around 10 per cent) and so on. The amount of officially registered Heders decreased from 25,540 (1897) to 7,743. Despite the fact that these official data did not include the large number of unregistered Heders, the trend of a growth of Jewish students in all kinds of general schools can not be denied. See B. Goldberg, ‘Unterrichtsstatistik für das Jahr 1910 in Russland’, in Zeitschift für Demographie und Statistik der Juden, no. 2 (February 1913) pp. 24–40. The trend towards a decrease of traditional Heders was already reported in 1908 for the Gubernia Vilna. Here, while the Heders decreased from 595 (1899) to 255 (1908), the secular Jewish schools increased from 17 to 74.
See S.M., ‘Der Anteil der Juden im Unterrichtswesen im Gouvernement Vilna’, in ibid., no. 11, November 1910, p. 166. For more detailed data on statistics including universities, primary and secondary schools of all types from the mid-1860s until 1910,
see S.V. Pozner, Evrei v obshchem shkole (St. Petersburg, 1914) prilozhenie 2–24, pp. 54–112.
For more information on EKOPO, see Steven J. Zipperstein, ‘The Politics of Relief: The Transformation of Russian Jewish Communal Life during the First World War’, Studies in Contemporary Jewry, 4 (1987).
In 1913 there were 2,505 Jewish university students in Russia, which equalled 7.3 per cent of the total student body. Between 1895 and 1902 there were 2,405 Russian Jews studying in Germany, Austria, Switzerland and France. Many Jewish students, however, also took the option of studying at private institutions of higher learning such as the Psycho-Neurological Institute in St. Petersburg (founded 1907 — no number mentioned), or the Kiev Commercial Institute (founded in 1912 — 1,875 students). See Zvi Halevy, Jewish University Students and Professionals in Tsarist and Soviet Russia (Tel Aviv, 1976), p. 50f; Goldberg mentioned the official report of the ministry for education for 1910, according to which 4,244 Jews studied at Russian Universities (10.3 per cent), 1,901 at Technical Universities (10.3 per cent), 1,027 at Higher Courses for Commerce (42.4 per cent) and 69 at veterinary institutes (4.7 per cent). Goldberg believed that Jewish students were, in fact, more numerous as the Ministry did not release statistics for the universities for music and art, higher courses for medicine and pedagogics, nor on Jewish students abroad — whose number he estimated at 2,000.
See B. Goldberg, ‘Unterrichtsstatistik für das Jahr 1910 in Rußland’, in Zeitschrift für Demographie und Statistik der Juden, no. 2 (February 1913) pp. 24–30.
See Jack Wertheimer, ‘Between Tsar and Kaiser. The Radicalization of Russian-Jewish University Students in Germany’, in Leo Baeck Institute Year Book, 28 (1983) pp. 329–49; the campaign against Russian Jews in Germany reached its peak in 1913, when Prussia and Bavaria introduced a numerus clausus, and even liberal Baden restricted the admission of Russian-Jewish students slightly. In March 1913, some French students directed an appeal to the university administration in which they demanded not to admit Jewish students to the medical faculties.
See Jack Wertheimer, The “Ausländerfrage” at Institutions of Higher Learning. A Controversy over Russian-Jewish Students in Imperial Germany’, in Leo Baeck Institute Year Book, 27 (1982) pp. 187–215.
See St., ‘Ideia evreiskago universiteta’, in Novyi Voskhod, no. 12, 21 March 1913, cols 1–3. The idea of a Jewish University had first been advanced by Professor Hermann Schapiro in 1887, but never got off the ground until Menahem Ussishkin convinced the Eleventh Zionist Congress in 1913 to set up a University Fund. See Simcha Kling, The Mighty Warrior. Menahem Ussishkin (New York, 1965) pp. 54–6; and Joseph Klausner, Menahem Ussishkin. His Life and Work (London, n.d.) pp. 53–4.
See Mikhail Beizer, The Jews of St. Petersburg (Philadelphia and New York, 1989) p. 301.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Copyright information
© 1995 Christoph Gassenschmidt
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Gassenschmidt, C. (1995). The ‘Dark Years’ after Stolypin: Anti-Semitism, Co-operation and the Peak of ‘Organic Work’. In: Jewish Liberal Politics in Tsarist Russia, 1900–14. St Antony’s/Macmillan Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23944-3_5
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23944-3_5
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London
Print ISBN: 978-1-349-23946-7
Online ISBN: 978-1-349-23944-3
eBook Packages: Palgrave History CollectionHistory (R0)