Abstract
Even a cursory examination of political campaigning in the limited electoral democracy of the Victorian era offers parallels with modern-day activities and dispels any nostalgic idea that the past provides a state of grace from which modern campaigners have fallen. H.J. Hanham comments on the personalisation of elections around the formidable figures of the major party leaders, Gladstone and Disraeli, ‘in much the same way as the Conservatives magnified the appeal of Sir Winston Churchill in 1945’.2 Election campaigning issues were usually few, and frequently there was just one national topic, such as the abolition of income tax (1874) or Irish Home Rule (1886). The campaigning slogan, ‘the cry’, was handed down by party leaders to their followers.
With the growth of the mass media political communciation has become an increasingly important element in the effective application of political power … What is needed now is a greater awareness of what is being done by those who occupy themselves in communicating messages of a political character with an intention to persuade. Politicians as well as the press need to be more rigorous in seeking out who are the people behind the campaigns and leagues and lobbies. Party organisations should also be scrutinised to see who is exercising power in what way and by what right.
Lord Windlesham (1966)1
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Notes
Lord Windlesham, Communication and Political Power (1966) p. 25.
H.J. Hanham, Elections and Party Management: Politics in the Time of Disraeli and Gladstone (1978) p. 201.
Ibid., p. 215. A number of historical studies of American political campaigning make a similar point. See, for example: Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Packaging the Presidency (1984);
Gil Troy, See How They Ran (1991).
Quoted in Sidney Blumenthal, Permanent Campaign (1982) p. 33.
George Creel, How We Advertised America (1920) p. 4.
Harold Lasswell, Propaganda Technique in the World War (1927) pp. 220–1.
T.H. Qalter, Propaganda and Psychological Warfare (1962) p. 66.
G. Jowett and V. O’Donnell, Propaganda and Persuasion (1986) p. 125.
Henry James Houston and Lionel Valdar, Modern Electioneering Practice (1922) p. 9.
See Robert Rhodes James, Memoirs of a Conservative: J.C.C. Davidson’s Memoirs (1969) pp. 270–2.
See R.R. James, Anthony Eden (1986) p. 191.
See Peter Stead, ‘The British Working Class and Film in the 1930s’, in Nicholas Pronay and D.W. Spring (eds), Propaganda, Politics and Film 1918–45 (1982).
This account relies on Keith Middlemas, Politics in Industrial Society (1979) pp. 131–2.
See R.D. Casey, ‘The National Publicity Bureau and British Party Propaganda’, Public Opinion Quarterly, iii (1939) p. 624.
See Philip M. Taylor, Projection of Britain (1981).
J.A. Ramsden, ‘Baldwin and Film’, in Pronay and Spring (eds), op. cit. (1982).
Middlemas and Barnes, Baldwin (1969) p. 480.
J. Ramsden, A History of the Conservative Party: The Age of Balfour and Baldwin (1978) p. 235.
See R.R. James, Memoirs of a Conservative (1969), p. 303.
Joseph Klapper, The Effects of Mass Communication, (1960).
See Martin Harrop, ‘Voters’, in Jean Seaton and Ben Pimlott (eds), The Media in British Politics (1987), for a good summary of research thinking on media effects and voters. For discussion about the present state of communications research, see European Journal of Communication vol. 5, 2–3, June 1990; for good introductions
see O. Boyd-Barrett and P. Braham (eds), Media, Knowledge and Power (1987).
For an introduction to market research, see Peter Chisnall, Marketing Research (1981).
Robert Blake, The Conservative Party from Peel to Churchill (1979) p. 259.
T.F. Lindsay and Michael Harrington, The Conservative Party 1918–70 (1974) p. 159.
H.G. Nicholas, The British General Election of 1950 (1951) p. 122.
See D. Butler and R. Rose, The British General Election of 1959 (1960) p. 32.
House of Commons Debates, Hansard, vol. 627, col. 788, 21 July 1960.
Andrew Gamble, The Conservative Nation (1974) p. 67.
See Michael Cockerell, Live from Number 10 (1988) p. 78.
Richard Rose, Influencing Voters (1967) p. 86.
D. Butler and A. King, The British General Election of 1964 (1965) p. 90.
Abrams’ survey was based on a 12-page questionnaire answered by 724 people. See M. Abrams and R. Rose, Must Labour Lose? (1960).
Sir Robin Day, Grand Inquisitor (1989) p. 256.
(Sir) G. Pattie, ‘Marketing the Tories’, Crossbow, 12(47) April June 1969.
See Mireille Babaz, Le Rôle de la Publicité dans les Campagnes Electorales Britanniques (1977) p. 199.
D. Butler and M. Pinto-Duschinsky, The British General Election of 1970 (1971) p. 153.
Andrew Alexander and Alan Watkins, The Making of the Prime Minister 1970 (1970) p. 170.
Barry Day, ‘The Politics of Communication’ in R. Worcester and M. Harrop (eds), Political Communications: The General Election Campaign of 1979 (1982).
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© 1995 Margaret Scammell
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Scammell, M. (1995). Crusted Agent to Media Expert: The Changing Face of Campaigns. In: Designer Politics. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23942-9_2
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