Abstract
Finally, and most fundamentally, how far was Britain Normanised by 1100, and conversely, to what extent was Normandy anglicised? In what is probably the most ranging and influential analysis of the Normans in medieval western Europe, Professor le Patourel presented a ‘Norman Empire’.1 He argued that notwithstanding the fact that the Norman state was not akin to the Roman Empire of the past, or its eleventh-century reincarnations—though this did not prevent Norman chroniclers comparing Duke William favourably with Julius Caesar—it did possess imperial characteristics. This ‘empire’ had a fundamental though fragile unity, which was fractured, once between 1087 and 1106 and again, for ever, in 1135, to be replaced a generation later by the ‘Angevin Empire’.2 The indivisibility of Normandy and England after the Conquest is central to le Patourel’s analysis; these states lay at the empire’s core, but the Anglo-Norman kings also had territorial and perhaps ‘imperial’ ambitions elsewhere on both sides of the Channel, in Maine, Brittany, Wales, Scotland, and even Ireland. In a recent critique of this thesis, Bates has suggested that this model is too simplistic.3
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Notes
D. Bates, ‘Normandy and England after 1066’, EHR, 104 (1989), pp. 851–76. An earlier and valuable contribution to the debate is G. W. Hollister, ‘Normandy, France and the Anglo-Norman Regnum’ Speculum, 51 (1976), pp. 202–42, reprinted in Monarchy, Magnates and Institutions in the Anglo-Norman World (London, 1986), pp. 17–58.
B. Bartel, ‘Comparative Historical Archaeology and Archaeological Theory’, in S. L. Dyson (ed.), Comparatives Studies in the Archaeology of Colonialism (British Archaeological Reports, International Series, 233, 1985), p. 9.
G. Loud, ‘The “Gens Normannorum”: Myth or Reality’, ANS, 4 (1981), pp. 104–16, a convincing critique of R. H. C. Davis, The Normans and their Myth (London, 1976).
Particularly by M. K. Lawson, ‘These Stories Look True: Levels of Taxation in the Reigns of Aethelred II and Cnut’, EHR, 104 (1989), pp. 389–90.
For London, see S. Reynolds, ‘The Rulers of London in the Twelfth Century’, History, 57 (1972), pp. 339–40.
C. Clark, ‘Women’s Names in Post-Conquest England: Observations and Speculations’, Speculum, 53 (1978), esp. pp. 240–51. This is an article of considerable resonance, with implications far more wide-ranging than its title suggests.
E. Searle, Lordship and Community: Battle Abbey and its Banlieu, 1066–1538 (Toronto, 1974), pp. 69–78; C. Clark, ‘An Anthroponymist Looks at an Anglo-Norman New Town’, ANS, 2 (1979), pp. 21–41.
C. Clark, ‘People and Languages in Post-Conquest Canterbury’, Journal of Medieval History, 2 (1976), pp. 1–34, esp. 8–26.
For a clear overview, see E. Fernie, ‘The Effect of the Conquest on Norman Architectural Patronage’, ANS, 9 (1986), pp. 71–85, and references there cited.
For Bishop Herman of Lotharingia’s cathedral, at Old Sarum, see R. Gem, ‘The First Romanesque Cathedral at Old Sarum’, in E. Fernie and P. Crossley (eds), Medieval Architecture and its Intellectual Context (London, 1990), pp. 9–18.
I. Short, ‘On Bi-lingualism in Anglo-Norman England’, Romance Philology, 33 (1980), pp. 467–79.
H. Mayr-Harting, ‘The Functions of a Twelfth-Century Recluse’, History, 60 (1975), p. 344.
B. English, ‘William I and the Anglo-Norman Succession’, Historical Research, 64 (1991), p. 234.
G. Garnett, ‘Franci et Angli: the Legal Distinctions Between Peoples after the Conquest’, ANS, 8 (1985), pp. 109–37.
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© 1994 Brian Golding
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Golding, B. (1994). Anglo-Norman England. In: Conquest and Colonisation. British History in Perspective. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23648-0_8
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