Abstract
England not only had to be conquered: it had to be governed. In administrative (as in so many other) terms England was already an ‘old country’: in some regions, particularly the north, but also observable elsewhere, as in Kent for instance, institutions of government and the exercise of lordship were now centuries old, perhaps predating the Saxon settlement in origin.1 That the kingdom was the most ‘organised’ state in western Europe in the eleventh century is generally recognised. By 1066 the whole country, with the exception of the region north of the Tees to the east and the Mersey to the west, of the Pennines, along with the anomalous region of the latter-day shire of Rutland, was divided into shires, which were further subdivided into hundreds or wapentakes, which were the fundamental units of local administration. Though the shires were not of uniform creation, and though local customs continued to operate within the shire structure, the establishment and expansion of West-Saxon rule throughout most of the country during the tenth century gave a degree of organisational cohesion to the structure of local government.2 Each shire usually contained a number of hides, on which taxation and military burdens were assessed. The hide itself, it has been argued, has its roots, or at the very least parallels, in early Irish society. Post-war research has increasingly demonstrated that the administrative history of England from the Roman to the Angevin centuries is, if not a seamless robe, at least woven from long lengths of cloth. This does not, of course, mean that adjustments were not constantly made. Shifting political frontiers, and in particular the division between those areas subject for long periods to Scandinavian control and influence, and those dominated by Wessex, and the extension of the authority of the Wessex kings into the midlands, inevitably affected administrative organisation.
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See J. Campbell, ‘The Age of Arthur’, in Essays in Anglo-Saxon History (London, 1986), pp. 121–30 and references there cited.
See P. A. Stafford, ‘The “Farm of One Night” and the Organisation of King Edward’s Estates in Domesday’, Economic History Review, 33 (1980), pp. 491–502.
The best introduction is M. T. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record (2nd edn, Oxford, 1993), esp. pp. 26–32. S. Keynes, ‘Royal Government and the Written Word in Late Anglo-Saxon England’ R. McKitterick (ed.), The Uses of Literacy in Early Medieval Europe (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 226–57 is also indispensable.
F. E. Harmer, Anglo-Saxon Writs (Manchester, 1952). Two important works, taking different approaches, are P. Chaplais, ‘The Origin and Authority of the Royal Anglo-Saxon Diploma and the Anglo-Saxon Chancery: from the Diploma to the Writ’, Journal of the Society of Archivists, 3 (1965–6), pp. 48–61; and S. Keynes, The Diplomas of King Aethelred the Unready, 978–1016 (Cambridge, 1980), pp. 160–76.
See C. W. Hollister and J. W. Baldwin, ‘The Rise of Administrative Kingship: Henry I and Philip Augustus’, American Historical Review, 83 (1978), pp. 870–905.
D. Bates, ‘The Origins of the Justiciarship’, in ANS, 4 (1981), pp. 1–12.
For Ranulf’s career see R. W. Southern, ‘Rannulf Flambard and Early Anglo-Norman Administration’, in Medieval Humanism and Other Studies (Oxford, 1970), pp. 183–205, and Barlow, William Rufus, esp. pp. 193–205.
The best introduction is J. Nelson, ‘The Rites of the Conqueror’, ANS, 4 (1981), pp. 117–32.
See H. E. J. Cowdrey, ‘The Anglo-Norman Laudes Regiae’, Viator, 12 (1981), pp. 37–78.
M. Biddle, ‘Seasonal Festivals and Residence: Winchester, Westminster and Gloucester in the Tenth to Twelfth Centuries’, ANS, 8 (1985), pp. 51–72.
J. Nelson, ‘The Rites of the Conqueror’, ANS, 4 (1981), pp. 131–2 (and refs.) is illuminating.
The standard accounts are J. O. Prestwich, ‘The Military Household of the Norman Kings’, EHR, 96 (1981), pp. 1–35, and M. Chibnall, ‘Mercenaries and the Familia Regis under Henry I’, History, 62 (1977), pp. 15–23.
J. O. Prestwich, ‘War and Finance in the Anglo-Norman State’, TRHS, 5th series, 4 (1954), p. 36.
J. A. Green, ‘The Last Century of Danegeld’, EHR, 96 (1981), pp. 241–58 is the best survey.
C. W. Hollister, ‘The Origins of the English Treasury’, EHR, 93 (1978), pp. 262–75.
See above, n. 6, and S. Keynes, ‘Regenbald the Chancellor (sic)’, ANS, 10 (1987), pp. 185–222.
See below, p. 104. D. Bates, ‘The Earliest Norman Writs’, EHR, 100 (1985), 266–84. For a characteristically more optimistic view, see R. A. Brown, ‘Some Observations on Norman and Anglo-Norman Charters’, in D. Greenway, C. Holdsworth, and J. Sayers (eds), Tradition and Change (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 145–64.
J. H. Round, ‘Bernard the King’s Scribe’, EHR, 14 (1899), pp. 417–30; Green, Government of England, p. 235.
There is no full-length recent study of the pre-Conquest sheriff, but see W. A. Morris, The Medieval English Sheriff to 1300 (Manchester, 1927), chs 1 and 2, and J. Green, ‘The Sheriffs of William the Conqueror’, ANS, 5 (1982), pp. 129–45.
The status of the earls is discussed by C. P. Lewis, ‘The Early Earls of Norman England’, ANS, 13 (1990), pp. 208–23.
Barlow, William Rufus, pp. 208–9. See also H. A. Cronne, ‘The Office of Local Justiciar in England under the Norman Kings’, University of Birmingham Historical Journal, 6 (1958), pp. 18–38.
E. Miller, ‘The Land Pleas in the Reign of William I’, EHR, 62 (1947), pp. 438–56; D. Bates, ‘The Land Pleas of William I’s Reign: Penenden Heath Revisited’, BIHR, 51 (1978), pp. 1–19, usefully reviews recent scholarship.
H. R. Loyn, ‘The Hundred in the Tenth and Early Eleventh Centuries’, in H. Hearder and H. R. Loyn (eds), British Government and Administration (Cardiff, 1974), pp. 1–15; J. Campbell, ‘Observations on English Government’, pp. 161–2.
W. L. Warren, ‘The Myth of Norman Administrative Efficiency’, TRHS, 5th series, 34 (1984), pp. 118–9.
As argued by J. Green, ‘William Rufus, Henry I and the Royal Demesne’, History, 64 (1979), esp. pp. 347–9. See also her ‘The Last Century of Danegeld’, EHR, 96 (1981), pp. 241–58.
Bates, Normandy before 1066, pp. 164–5; L. Musset, ‘A-t-il existé une aristocratie d’argent?’, Annales de Normandie, 9 (1959), pp. 285–99.
C. J. Spurgeon, ‘Mottes and Castle-Ringworks in Wales’, in J. R. Kenyon and R. Avent (eds), Castles in Wales and the Marches (Cardiff, 1987), pp. 40–1.
P. Nightingale, ‘Some London Moneyers and Reflections on the Organisation of English Mints in the Eleventh Century’, Numismatic Chronicle, 142 (1982), pp. 35–50.
See J. F. A. Mason, ‘Barons and their Officials in the Later Eleventh Century’, ANS, 13 (1990), pp. 243–62.
S. Harvey, ‘The Extent and Profitability of Demesne Agriculture in the Later Eleventh Century’, in T. H. Aston et al. (eds), Social Relations and Ideas (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 45–72.
As suggested by Robin Fleming, ‘Domesday Book and the Tenurial Revolution’, ANS, 9 (1986), esp. pp. 91–3, 101.
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© 1994 Brian Golding
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Golding, B. (1994). Governing the Conquered. In: Conquest and Colonisation. British History in Perspective. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23648-0_5
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