Abstract
Behind the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait lies Saddam Hussein’s conviction that many if not most Iraqis believe that Kuwait is an integral part of Iraq, separated from it by British imperialism. This notion started to find public expression in the 1930s, and never died out. Another ideological influence was hostility, prevalent in the Iraqi media during the Iran-Iraq war and following the cease-fire, towards the rich Arab States and their peoples; the Ba’ath regime missed no opportunity to accuse the Gulf states of gross ingratitude, refusing to give Iraq financial support after the Iraqis spilled ‘rivers of blood’ in their defence against Iran. A more general influence was an atmosphere of extreme local-Iraqi chauvinism in a pan-Arab guise. For twenty years Saddam and his regime endeavoured to convince their countrymen that Iraq was burdened with the historical mission of leading the way towards the unification and renaissance of all the Arabs. Thus, they argued, every-thing that helped Iraq, by definition, helped the Arab nation. Likewise, they argued, he who hurts Iraq necessarily hurts the Arab nation as a whole.1
Neither blindness nor ignorance corrupts people and governments. They soon realize where the path they have taken is leading them. But there is an impulse within them, favoured by their natures and reinforced by their habits, which comes forward as long as they have a remnant of strength. He who overcomes himself is divine. Most see their ruin before their eyes, but they go on into it.
Leopold Von Ranke
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Notes
For the Ba’ath imperial, Iraqi-centred pan-Arab credo see Amatzia Baram, ‘Mesopotamian Identity in Ba’thist Iraq’, in Middle Eastern Studies 19 (1983) pp. 443–6.
Amatzia Baram, Culture, History and Ideology in the Formation of Ba’thist Iraq 1968–89 (London: Macmillan, 1991) pp. 129–43. For the application of this approach see, for example, Saddam’s argument that he had to invade Kuwait to punish them for their transgressions against the values of Iraq, the Arabs and Islam, Baghdad Domestic Service, 7 August 1990, in FBIS DR, 8 August 1990, p. 30.
Bob Woodward, The Commanders (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1991) pp. 228–9.
Baghdad Radio, INA, 3,4,6 August 1990, in FBIS-DR, 3 August 1990, pp. 9, 29,38; 4 August 1990, p. 44; 6 August 1990, p. 27. See also James Piscatori (ed.) Islamic Fundamentalisms and the Gulf Crises (Chicago: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1991) p. 210.
In Britain, for example, the authorities rounded up a few scores of Iraqis and Palestinians and issued notices of intention-to-deport to a total of 167 Iraqis, Palestinians, Lebanese and Yemenis. See a report by Middle East Watch as reproduced in Martin Yant, Desert Mirage (Buffalo, 1991) pp. 128–9.
Ben Brown and David Shukman, All Necessary Means (London: BBC Books, 1991) pp. 69–72.
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© 1994 Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited
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Baram, A. (1994). Calculation and Miscalculation in Baghdad. In: Danchev, A., Keohane, D. (eds) International Perspectives on the Gulf Conflict, 1990–91. St Antony’s. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23231-4_2
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