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Encounters with the Classical Traditions

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Abstract

The problem of how exploitation should be conceptualised in social theory is of equivalent importance to that of how we should seek to analyse domination and power. Easily the most influential theory of exploitation in sociology is that of Marx, and this has to form the initial point of reference for any appraisal of the notion. In Marx, the question of exploitation (exploitieren, ausbeuten) is inevitably bound up with his over-all characterisation of the nature and development of class systems. In tribal societies, according to Marx, production and distribution are communal. In such societies the productive forces are relatively undeveloped; there is little or no surplus production. Classes only come into being with the expansion of the productive forces, such that a surplus is generated, appropriated by an emergent dominant class of non-producers. Class relations are hence inherently exploitative, since the ruling class lives off the surplus production of the subordinate class or classes. There is a major difference, according to Marx, between the exploitative relation involved between the two main capitalist classes and the class relations found in the prior types of class society, the Ancient world and feudalism. In the latter two types of society exploitation takes the form of the appropriation of the surplus labour by the dominant class.

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Notes

  1. Karl Marx, Capital, vol. 1 (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1970) p. 185.

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  2. T.B. Bottomore, Karl Marx: Early Writings (New York: McGrawHill, 1964) pp.126–7).

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  3. Habermas has accentuated this very strongly in many of his publications. I have a strong sympathy with the over-all trend both of his critique of Marx and with some of his conceptions of what the ‘good society’ could and should look like. But I think he was led up a wrong alley in basing his criticism of Marx on the distinction between ‘labour’ and ‘interaction’, accusing Marx of reducing the latter to the former. I have argued the case for this in my ‘Labour’ and ‘interaction’ in John B. Thompson and David Held (eds), Habermas: Critical Debates (London: Macmillan, 1982).

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  6. Cf. Jean Baudrillard, Le miroir de la production (Tournai: Casterman, 1973).

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  9. A Marxist treatment of the development of German philosophy and sociology in this context is given in Georg Lukács. Die Zerstörung der Vernuft (Berlin; Aufbau-Verlag, 1955).

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  34. This phrase was, of course, originally used by Engels to refer to Marx’s relation to Hegel. Cf. Engels, ‘Ludwig Feuerbach and the end of classical German philosophy’, K. Marx and F. Engels, Selected Works (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1950) vol.2, p.350.

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  35. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, The German Ideology (Moscow: Progress Publish, 1968) pp.38–9.

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  36. Marx, Grundrisse, pp.375–413; the relevant sections are mostly included in an English translation of a small section from the work, E.J. Hobsbawm, Pre-capitalist Economic Formations (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1964); Weber’s discussion of Rome is to be found in ‘Die sozialen Gründe des Untergangs der antiken Kultur’, in Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Sozial-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte (Tübingen: Mohr-Siebeck, 1924) pp.289–311. In the subsequent part of this paper I do not deal with the discrepancies between Marx’s discussion of ‘the Asiatic mode of production’, and Weber’s analysis of China and India. It has often been stated that Weber’s views upon the emergence of rational capitalism in the West can only be fully understood in the light of his writings on the various ‘world religions’. This is undeniably true. It is, however, quite misleading to regard these writings, as many have, as a form of ex post facto experiment which ‘tests’ the ‘independent’ influence of ideology upon social development. What Weber shows is that both the content of the religious ethics he discusses and the specific combination of ‘material’ circumstances found in Europe, China and India differ. (Thus, for example, Weber laid stress upon the ease of communications in Europe, the peculiar economic and political independence of the European city, plus various other ‘material’ conditions in terms of which Europe differed from China and India.) These material and ideological factors form a definite, interrelated ‘cluster’ in each case: the material conditions cannot therefore simply be treated as a ‘constant’ against which the ‘inhibiting’ or ‘facilitating’ influence of religious ideology as a ‘variable’ can be determined.

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  37. Karl Marx, ‘Contribution to the critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right’ in On Religion (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1957), p.50. Marx only briefly alluded to the significance of the ideological content of Calvinism. (See, for example, Capital, vol.1, p.79.) Engels, on various occasions. discussed Calvinism at greater length.

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  38. Karl Marx, ‘Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts’, in T.B. Bottomore, Karl Marx: Early Writings (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964) pp.168 ff;

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  39. see also Karl Löwith, ‘Max Weber und Karl Marx’, Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialnnlirik vol.67, 1932, part 1, pp. 77ff

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  43. It would perhaps be nearest to the truth to say, in Laski’s words, ‘That the two men had, as it were, evolved in common a joint stock of ideas which they regarded as a kind of intellectual bank account upon which either could draw freely’. Harold J. Laski. ‘Introduction to The Communist Manifesto’ (New York: Washington Square Press, 1967) p.20.

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  44. The phrase is Lukács’: Georg Lukács, Histoire et conscience de classe (Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1960) p.20.

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Philip Cassell

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© 1993 Macmillan Publishers Limited

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Cassell, P. (1993). Encounters with the Classical Traditions. In: Cassell, P. (eds) The Giddens Reader. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22890-4_2

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