Abstract
Libya’s foreign policy derives from the views and philosophy of one man. There are various state organisations through which international policy matters are conducted but the ultimate decisionmaking is Gaddafi’s alone. A change in outlook and emphasis over the years can be detected but Libya’s international posture continues to derive from an ideology that has been articulated many times. It has been necessary for Gaddafi to make pragmatic and prudent accommodations with many groups, companies and nations that, in the next breath, he may violently condemn. At one time or another he has antagonised African states, most of the Arab world, and the whole of the West. However, this undoubted circumstance needs to be examined with care. Libya’s relative isolation in the modern world can be attributed in part to the mercurial and radical temper of its leader, a man prepared to use violence to achieve his goals; but Libya’s status as a pariah nation derives equally from the resentment among powerful states that any small country should dare to challenge an international order that upholds the exploitation of the weak by the strong, and that tolerates levels of violence — sometimes reaching genocidal proportions — in defence of that order.
By the passage of time, everyone changes, through experience. In the 1970s we supported liberal movements without knowing which were terrorists and which were not. In the 1980s we began to differentiate between terrorists and those with legitimate political aspirations.
Muammar al-Gaddafi, 1992
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Notes
Quoted by David Blundy and Andrew Lycett, Qaddafi and the Libyan Revolution (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987) p. 69. 2. Ibid., p. 70.
Tabitha Petran, Syria: A Modern History (London: Ernest Benn, 1972) p. 238; the Tripoli Federation is described in detail (pp. 254–6).
Mohammed Hussein Heikal, Autumn of Fury: The Assassination of Sadat (London: Corgi, 1984) p. 50.
Jonathan Bearman, Qadhafi’s Libya (London: Zed Books, 1986) p. 102.
Quoted by John K. Cooley, Libyan Sandstorm (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1982) p. 108.
The submarine incident is described by Hasseinine Haykal, The Road to Ramadan (London: Collins, 1975) pp. 192–4.
Lillian Craig Harris, Libya: Qadhafi’s Revolution and the Modern State (London: Croom Helm, 1986) p. 93.
Donald Trelford interview in Tripoli with Muammar al-Gaddafi, The Observer (London), 26 January 1992, p. 11.
Patrick Seale, Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire (London: Hutchinson, 1992).
Wilhelm Dietl, Holy War, trans. Martha Humphreys (New York: Macmillan, 1984) p. 185.
Peter Theroux, The Strange Disappearance of Imam Moussa Sadr (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987); the Libyans disclaim all responsibility for Sadr’s disappearance, claiming that he took a flight out of Tripoli.
Richard Adloff and Virginia Thompson, Conflict in Chad (California: Hurst, 1981) p. 4.
Philippe Rochot, La Grand Fièvre du Monde Musulman (Paris: Sycomore, 1981) pp. 126–7.
Patrick Brogan, World Conflicts (London: Bloomsbury, 1990) p. 24.
Richard Dowden (Africa editor), The Independent (London), 4 January 1992.
Jack Holland, The American Connection (New York: Viking Penguin, 1987) p. 109.
Donald Trelford interview in Tripoli with Muammar al-Gaddafi, The Observer (London), 26 January 1992, p. 11.
Angus Hindley, Middle East Economic Digest, 28 June 1991, pp. 4–5.
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© 1993 Geoff Simons
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Simons, G. (1993). International Ambitions. In: Libya: The Struggle for Survival. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22633-7_7
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