Abstract
If there was a revolution in English agriculture, it certainly did not come in the sixteenth century. The system of crop rotation, the breeds of sheep and cattle and the familiar round of the seasons remained substantially unchanged from the fifteenth century (and earlier) until the days of Coke and Townsend. Increasing demand brought back into cultivation some marginal land which had not been tilled for 200 years, and such land was particularly vulnerable to harvest failure. But the so-called ‘agrarian crisis’ of the Tudor period was not a crisis of production, or of technology, so much as of law and custom. The polemical case was summed up in a tract of Edward VI’s reign entitled ‘Certayne causes gathered together, wherin is showed the decaye of England only by the great multitude of sheep, to the utter decay of household keeping, mayntenance of men, dearth of come, and other notable dyscommodityes…’.1 This theme was consistently pursued by moralists and preachers, going back to the days of Sir Thomas More and before, and reached a shrill crescendo between 1547 and 1553.
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Notes
R. H. Tawney, The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1912).
Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy, 1558–1640 (Oxford, 1965).
E. Kerridge, Agrarian Problems in the Sixteenth Century and After (London, 1969), pp. 17–31.
J. E. Jackson, ‘Wulfhall and the Seymours’, Wiltshire Archaeological Magazine, 1875, Vol. XV, pp. 179–80.
C. S. L. Davies, ‘The Pilgrimage of Grace Reconsidered’, Past and Present, 1968, Vol. XLI, pp. 54–76;
Davies, ‘Popular religion and the Pilgrimage of Grace’, in Order and Disorder in Early Modern England, eds A. Fletcher and J. Stevenson (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 58–91.
M. L. Bush, ‘“Up for the commonweal”; the significance of tax grievances in the English rebellion of 1536’, English Historical Review, Vol. CVI, 1991, pp. 299–319; also
Bush, ‘Tax reform and rebellion in Early Tudor England’, History, Vol. LXXVI, 1991, pp. 379–400.
Tudor Royal Proclamations, eds P. L. Hughes and J. F. Larkin (New Haven, Conn., 1964–9), Vol. I, pp. 427–9.
Julian Cornwall, Revolt of the Peasantry, 1549 (London, 1977). The fact that many citizens of Exeter sympathized with the religious grievances of the rebels, but fought against the revolt, serves to emphasize this point. R. Whiting, The Blind Devotion of the People, p. 146.
Robert Whiting, The Blind Devotion of the People; popular religion and the English Reformation (Cambridge, 1989) pp. 125–44.
S. K. Land, Kett’s Rebellion (Ipswich, 1977), p. 42.
Jordan, Edward VI; the young king, pp. 481–2; J. Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, Vol. II (i), pp. 271–2; D. MacCulloch, Suffolk and the Tudors (Oxford, 1986) pp. 301–4. MacCulloch presents a picture of widespread disaffection in Suffolk, pointing out that other ‘camps’ were set up in East Anglia, and that the extreme violence of the Norfolk confrontation arose through accident and ineptitude. Several of the other camps were pacified by negotiation, and preserved the same good discipline. The violence in Norfolk seems to have resulted from a degree of ineptitude on both sides, rather than from uncontrollable fury.
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© 1992 David Loades
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Loades, D. (1992). Agriculture and Order. In: The Mid-Tudor Crisis, 1545–1565. British History in Perspective. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22305-3_5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22305-3_5
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