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Conclusion

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Abstract

The attempt to offer a conclusion to any study that is trying to identify trends for the future is necessarily misstated. ‘Conclusions’ suggest that answers are possible on the basis of the foregoing analysis, but in that case the only conclusion we could draw here would be that British external relations in the 1990s are replete with paradox: the present international context of external relations reinforces old as well as new influences in policy-making; it supports traditional realism as well as modern behaviouralist perspectives; it reinforces both balance of power politics and integrationism, and so on. Given that striking paradoxes can be identified in the confused reality of any state’s foreign policy at any time in its history, such a conclusion may be regarded as less than helpful.

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Notes

  1. 1.
    For a good summary see Steve Smith and Michael Smith, ‘The Analytical Background’, in Steve Smith, Michael Smith and Brian White (eds), British Foreign Policy: Tradition, Change and Transformation (London: Unwin Hyman, 1988), pp. 3–23.Google Scholar
  2. 3.
    William Wallace, The Foreign Policy Process in Britain (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1975), p. 275.Google Scholar
  3. 4.
    Compare, for example, Christopher Tugendhat and William Wallace, Options for British Foreign Policy in the 1990s (London: Royal Institue of International Affairs/Routledge, 1988) Chapter 7, with the earlier ideas expressed in Wallace, The Foreign Policy process in Britain, op. cit., Chapter 10.Google Scholar
  4. 5.
    Michael Palliser, ‘Diplomacy Today’, in Hedley Bull and Adam Watson (eds), The Expansion of International Society, (Oxford: Clarendon Press,1984), pp. 382–3.Google Scholar
  5. 5a.
    See also William Wallace, Britain’s Bilateral Links Within Western Europe (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs/Routledge & Kegan Paul,1984).Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    Alan James, Sovereign Statehood: The Bases of International Society (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986), p. 249.Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    William Wallace, ‘What Price Independence? Sovereignty and Interdependence in British Politics’, International Affairs, 62(3)(1986), pp. 367–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  8. 7a.
    For more historical support to the Wallace argument see, Edmund Morgan, Inventing the People: The Rise of Popular Sovereignty in England and America (London: Chatto, 1989).Google Scholar
  9. 8.
    William Wallace, ‘Time to Surrender Those Victorian Values’, The Financial Times, 26 April 1989, p 17.Google Scholar
  10. 8a.
    John Wyles, ‘A More Powerful Voice in the European Chorus’, The Financial Times, 20 August 1990, p.11. Many of these competing ideas were expressed in a robust exchange of letters in The Independent on 6 July, 10 July, 25 September and 27 September 1989.Google Scholar
  11. 9.
    Lord Thomas of Swynnerton, ‘Britain’s European Choices’, The World Today, 46 (8–9) (1990), pp. 144–7, offers a balanced critique of different opinions. For more trenchant views see, Kenneth Minogue, ‘The Voice That Awoke Europe to its Threatened Freedoms’, The Independent, 20 September 1989.Google Scholar
  12. 9a.
    Richard Ritchie (ed.), Enoch Powell on 1992 (London: Anaya, 1990).Google Scholar
  13. 10.
    Joseph S. Nye, Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power (New York: Basic Books, 1991).Google Scholar
  14. 10a.
    Part III. For an earlier empirical study of interesting evidence on the same theme see, M.P. Sullivan, ‘Transnationalism, Power Politics and the Realities of the Present System’, in R. Maghroori, and B. Ramberg (eds), Globalism vs. Realism (Boulder, Col: Westview, 1982), pp. 195–221.Google Scholar
  15. 11.
    Susan Strange, ‘Finance, Information and Power’, Review of International Studies, 16 (3), (1990), pp. 259–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  16. 13.
    Susan Strange, States and Markets (London: Frances Pinter 1988).Google Scholar
  17. 14.
    William Wallace, The Transformation of Western Europe, (London: Frances Pinter/Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1990).Google Scholar
  18. 15.
    Brian White, ‘Analysing Foreign Policy: Problems and Approaches’, in Michael Clarke and Brian White (eds), Understanding Foreign Policy (Aldershot: Edward Elgar, 1989), pp. 1–26.Google Scholar
  19. 16.
    Steve Smith, ‘Foreign Policy Analysis and the Study of British Foreign Policy’, in Lawrence Freedman and Michael Clarke (eds), Britain in the World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 47–60.Google Scholar
  20. 17.
    Of all the material on rational actor assumptions, a good recent summary is to be found in David Sanders, Losing an Empire, Finding a Role: British Foreign Policy Since 1945 (London: Macmillan, 1990), pp. 257–72.Google Scholar
  21. 21.
    Stephen George, Politics and Policy in the European Community (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), pp. 32–3.Google Scholar
  22. 23.
    Margaret Thatcher, ‘My Vision of Europe: Open and Free’, The Financial Times, 19 November 1990, p.17.Google Scholar
  23. 24.
    A series of statements advocating a step by step approach to such a goal were outlined in November 1990 by Gianni de Michelis, the Italian foreign minister at the end of the Italian presidency of the EC, and supported in a joint statement by President Mitterrand and Chancellor Kohl in early December 1990. See, Robert Mauthner, ‘A Common Defence for Europe’, The Financial Times, 11 December 1990, p.17.Google Scholar
  24. 25.
    See, for example, Barry Buzan, et al., The European Security Order Recast: Scenarios for the Post-Cold War Era (London: Frances Pinter 1990).Google Scholar
  25. 26.
    Michael Clarke and Rod Hague (eds), European Defence Cooperation: America, Britain and NATO (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990).Google Scholar
  26. 27.
    Edward Mortimer, ‘Is This Our Frontier?’, The Financial Times, 3 April 1990, p.21.Google Scholar

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© Royal Institute of International Affairs 1992

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