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Part of the book series: Insights ((ISI))

Abstract

When work on this book began in 1989, the Soviet Union was a one-party state, as it had been since 1917. The ‘Berlin Wall’ still divided East and West Germanies, standing as an obstructive monument to the Cold War, as it had stood for almost half a century. Nelson Mandela was in his twenty-sixth year of political imprisonment. Now as the project nears completion, all these familiar landmarks of my own generation’s political world, each a great symbolic focus for political emotion and a framework for political organisation (anti-Stalinism, ‘Eurocommunism’, antiapartheid), have vanished, apparently for good. Symptomatically these alterations testify to shifting configurations of circumstance and event which can induce a vertiginous dizziness, if we try to seek a firm foothold on such a rapidly-spinning globe. If these potent symbols of political oppression can evaporate so swiftly, then all that is solid may truly melt into air, and the clearing of these and other obstacles to human emancipation may signal a huge resurgence of political liberation.

Is political theatre a dead duck?

(Michael Billington, Guardian, 10 May 1980)

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Notes

  1. E. Piscator, The Political Theatre, 1929, trans. H. Rorrison (London: Methuen, 1980).

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  2. E. Bentley, ‘The Pro and Con of Political Theatre’ (1960), in his The Theatre of Commitment (London: Methuen, 1968).

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  3. J. Bull, New British Political Dramatists (London: Macmillan, 1984).

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  4. C. Itzin, Stages in the Revolution: political theatre in Britain since 1968 (London: Eyre Methuen, 1980).

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  5. S. Craig, ‘Unmasking the Lie: Political Theatre’, in his edition Dreams and Deconstructions (Ambergate: Amber Lane Press, 1980).

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  6. A. Davies, Other Theatres (London: Macmillan, 1987).

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  7. A. Sinfield, ‘Cultural Materialism’, Foreword to the Cultural Politics series (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988-).

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  8. See J. Bull, Stage Right: the recovery of the mainstream, (London: Macmillan 1984), which acknowledges this point, but by evading the term ‘political’ adroitly evades the theoretical difficulty entailed in Bull’s earlier definition of ‘political dramatists’ (see Note 3).

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  9. See particularly the work of Georg Lukács: e.g. Studies in European Realism, trans. E. Bone (London: Hillway Publishing, 1950).

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  10. R. Bolt, The State of Revolution (London: Heinemann/National Theatre, 1977), and T. Griffiths, Occupations (Calder and Boyars, 1972).

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  11. F. Engels’ letter to J. Bloch, in K. Marx and F. Engels, Selected Correspondence, 1846–95 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1934, reprinted 1943) pp. 475–7.

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  12. L. Althusser, For Marx, trans. B. Brewster (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1969) pp. 117–128.

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  13. See. T. Bennett, Formalism and Marxism (London: Methuen, 1979).

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  14. See R. Williams, Drama in Performance (1954), ed. G. Holderness (Milton Keynes Open University Press, 1991).

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  15. The theory of ‘educational drama’ is interrogated, and its chief practitioners discussed, in D. Hornbrook, Education and Dramatic Art (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989).

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  16. These statistics, taken from various information sources, are quoted in P. Willis, Common Culture (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1990), between p. viii and p. 1.

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  17. T. Hawkes, Shakespeare’s Talking Animals (London: Methuen, 1973).

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  18. A. Boal, Theatre of the Oppressed (London: Pluto, 1979).

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  19. See particularly J-F. Lyotard, The Postmodern Condition, trans. Geoff Bennington and Brian Massumi (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1984).

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© 1992 Editorial Board, Lumière (co-operative) Press

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Holderness, G. (1992). Introduction. In: Holderness, G. (eds) The Politics of Theatre and Drama. Insights. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21792-2_1

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