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Brzezinski and the Adversaries: the USSR and the PRC

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Kissinger and Brzezinski

Abstract

Brzezinski’s appointment led many to believe that the Carter Administration would focus less on the USSR and the PRC and more on trilateral cooperation, the Third World, nuclear non-proliferation, and the moral dimension of foreign policy. This belief rested on Brzezinski’s criticism of the Nixon-Kissinger strategy for its excessive preoccupation with relations with adversaries, for its neglect of US relations with allies, and for its indifference to the less-developed countries and to moral imperatives and on Carter’s reiteration of those criticisms during the campaign. But soon it became evident that Carter’s national security policy was dominated by internal conflicts over its focus and, eventually, despite the campaign pledges, with America’s Communist adversaries — the USSR and the PRC. Moreover, it appeared that normalization of US-PRC relations, US-Soviet relations, trilateral cooperation, and US-Third World relations were simply a series of badly executed improvisations that lacked an overall strategic conception. This chapter examines Brzezinski’s impact on US policy toward the PRC and the USSR by analyzing the consistency between his operational code beliefs and his policy preferences and/or actions as it manifested itself in the rationale of policies in his memorandums to Carter, in official statements, in his approach to issues, and in his initiatives toward the PRC and the USSR.

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Notes

  1. Carter, “A Foreign Policy Based on America’s Essential Character,” Notre Dame University address, State Bulletin, vol. 76 (June 13, 1977), pp. 621–25. Also in State Bulletin by Carter, “Peace, Arms Control, World Economic Progress, Human Rights: Basic Priorities of US Foreign Policy,” Address to UN on March 17, vol. 76 (April 11, 1977), pp. 329–33. Pan American Day Address on April 14, vol. 76 (May 9, 1977), pp. 453–57. Speech at Charleston, S.C. on July 21, vol. 77 (August 15, 1977), pp. 193–97.

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  2. Carter, “Peace, Arms Control, World Economic Progress, Human Rights,” p. 329. Noting the US military strength, Carter declared: “we hope never to use again,” p. 330, Carter offered US help to resolve conflicts among nations but stressed: “we cannot do so by imposing our own particular solutions.” Address at the Commencement Exercises on the US Naval Academy, Presidential Documents, vol. 14 (June 7, 1978), pp. 1052–53, 1054. Brzezinski, Power and Principle, p. 147, he notes his disputes with Vance over the insertion of the terms reciprocal and comprehensive in Carter’s speeches to describe détente. Vance, Hard Choices, pp. 441–42, Appendix I, for Vance’s memo to Carter on October 1976 on the foreign policy issues and positions.

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  3. Address at Wake Forest University, Presidential Documents, vol. 14 (March 24, 1978), pp. 531–35. Garthoff, Détente and Confrontation, pp. 593–94. Vance commented on a draft but did not see the final version until it was delivered. Brzezinski, Power and Principle, pp. 188–89. He notes the speech was “a good one and set us on the right course,” but did not make up for the lack of determination to oppose Moscow in the Horn.

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  4. Address at the Commencement Exercises on the US Naval Academy, Presidential Documents, vol. 14 (June 7, 1978), pp. 1052–53, 1057.

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  5. Hoffmann, “Muscle and Brains,” Foreign Policy, 37 (Winter 1979–80), pp. 3–4. Jordan, Crisis, p. 48. He states when Vance and Brzezinski differed on Soviet policy Carter sided with Cy three out of four times. Sapin, “What Every New Administration Should Know About Foreign Policy,” pp. 71–73. He notes changes in Carter’s original initiatives and failure to communicate a coherent and consistent foreign policy.

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  6. Carter, “US Interests and Ideals,” State Bulletin, vol. 80 (June 1980), p. 7.

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  7. Carter, State of the Union Message, State Bulletin, vol. 80 (February 1980), p. H. See also State of the Union Address, where Carter declared: “I am determined that the United States will remain the strongest of all nations…,” p. A. Carter, “US Interests and Ideals,” State Bulletin, vol. 80 (June , 1980) p. 5.

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  8. Carter, “National Security Goals,” State Bulletin, vol. 80 (March 1980), p. A.

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  9. Brzezinski, Game Plan: How to Conduct the US-Soviet Contest (Boston: The Atlantic Monthly Press, 1986), pp. 246–47, 102, 256–57, 100; pp. 244, 190, on maintaining the military balance. See also, “America’s New Geostrategy,” Foreign Affairs (Spring 1988), pp. 682, 694.

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  10. Brzezinski, “After Reykjavik: What Reagan should do,” US News & World Report (November 3, 1986), pp. 31–32.

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  11. For Carter’s speeches at UN, State Bulletin, vol. 76 (April 11, 1977), pp. 330, 332–33; at OAS, vol. 76 (May 9, 1977), pp. 454, 456; at Notre Dame, vol. 76 (June 13, 1977), pp. 622–23; at Charleston, vol. 77 (August 1977), p. 196.

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  12. Carter, “Soviet Troops in Cuba and SALT,” State Bulletin, vol. 79 (November 1979), pp. 7–9.

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  13. Brzezinski, Power and Principle, pp. 443–45, on how he generated support for those declarations; p. 445, Vance and Cutler opposed the idea of “a regional security framework” but Jody Powell allowed Brzezinski to pencil it in the final version of the speech; p. 446, February 28, 1979, memo urging Carter to abandon the objective of demilitarizing the Indian Ocean; State was still supporting it. Brzezinski, interview on “Issues and Answers,” State Bulletin, vol. 80 (June 1980), p. 49. His views of the three central strategic zones.

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© 1991 Gerry Argyris Andrianopoulos

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Andrianopoulos, G.A. (1991). Brzezinski and the Adversaries: the USSR and the PRC. In: Kissinger and Brzezinski. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21741-0_9

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