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Argentina under the Junta, 1976–1982

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Friendly Tyrants
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Abstract

The literature on Latin American dictatorships, whether written in North or South America, often suggests that these nondemocratic governments owe their existence to Washington. By implication, at least, when representative institutions do appear, the United States government is presumed to be asleep on the job. However simplistic, the notion is difficult to disprove, for the United States has recognized most Latin American governments, whatever their politics. And though the practice reflects resignation or habit, it can be read as approval. Moreover, since the United States has differences with most Latin American administrations, democratic ones that fail to complete their term can — and often do — point to these differences as the reason for their downfall. The classic case is the Allende regime in Chile (1970–1973) which in fact fell more of its own weight than of anything done by the United States,1 but there are many others.

Much of the material in the chapter appeared in a different and greatly extended form in Mark Falcoff, A Tale of Two Policies: U.S. Relations with the Argentine Junta, 1976–83 (Philadelphia, Penna.: Foreign Policy Research Institute, 1989).

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References

  1. For a critical review of the evidence, see Mark Falcoff, Small Countries, Large Issues (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute, 1984), pp. 67–111.

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  2. Much of the material in the chapter appeared in a different and greatly extended form in Mark Falcoff, A Tale of Two Policies: U.S. Relations with the Argentine Junta, 1976–83 (Philadelphia, Penna.: Foreign Policy Research Institute, 1989).

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  3. There are many versions of this Trotsko-Peronism; the most convenient is Jorge Abelardo Ramos, Revolucion y contrarevolucion en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Editorial Plus Ultra, 1965) and subsequent editions.

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  4. Also of interest is the interpretive essay of Juan Jose Sebreli, Los deseos imaginarios del peronismo (Buenos Aires: Editorial Legasa, 1983).

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  5. According to the American League for International Security Assistance, a lobby representing arms manufacturers and three labor unions in the industry, the Argentine provision of the Humphrey-Kennedy Amendment cost the United States $813 million in jobs and foreign exchange, “even before a $270 million utilities equipment order was lost by withholding of Eximbank financing.” Heliodoro González, “U.S. Arms Transfer Policy in Latin America: Failure of a Policy,” Inter-American Economic Affairs, 32, 1978, p. 79. Brzezinski is quoted on p. 85.

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  6. Zbigniew Brzezinski, Power and Principle: Memoirs of the National Security Advisor 1977–1981. (New York: Farrar-Straus-Giroux, 1983), p. 128.

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  7. Jacobo Timerman, Prisoner without a Name, Cell without a Number (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1981). Timerman’s chronicle of physical and psychological mistreatment in Argentine jails, appeared just as the debate on Lefever’s confirmation was reaching its climax.

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  8. U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights, 1980 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1980), c.v. “Argentina.”

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  9. U.S. Congress, House of Representatives, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittees on Human Rights and International Organizations and of Inter-American Affairs, Review of United States Policy on Military Assistance to Argentina, 97th Congress, 1st Session. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1981).

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  10. U.S. Congress, House of Representatives, Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, Subcommittee on International Development Institutions and Finance, Human Rights and U.S. Policy in the Multilateral Development Banks, 97th Congress., 1st Session. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1981).

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  11. Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, “Dictatorships and Double Standards,” Commentary, November 1979.

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  12. Foreign Broadcast Information Service, Daily Report: Latin America (hereafter FBIS:LA), January 2, 1981.

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  13. Most of the evidence in the public domain on this subject can be found in Shirley Christian, Nicaragua: Revolution in the Family (New York: Random House, 1985), pp. 193–202.

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  14. This was the judgment of Secretary of State Alexander M. Haig, Jr., and it is probably based upon authoritative information. See Alexander M. Haig, Caveat: Reagan, Realism, and Foreign Policy (New York: Macmillan, 1984), pp. 277–278.

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  15. National Commission on Disappeared Persons, Nunca Mas (New York: Pantheon, 1985).

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Authors

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Daniel Pipes Adam Garfinkle

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© 1991 Foreign Policy Research Institute

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Falcoff, M. (1991). Argentina under the Junta, 1976–1982. In: Pipes, D., Garfinkle, A. (eds) Friendly Tyrants. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21676-5_8

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