Abstract
As the subject and scope of this volume suggest, the problem of what the United States can and should do about so-called Friendly Tyrants (or, in a few cases, not-so-friendly ones) constitutes a fundamental foreign policy challenge. Many of our most vehement foreign policy debates — U.S. policy toward Taiwan under Chiang, South Vietnam under Diem, Cuba under Batista, Nicaragua under Somoza, the Philippines under Marcos, more recently Panama under Noriega — have involved this issue.
The views expressed in this chapter are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the policies of the United States government.
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References
For further discussion of the Botha reform efforts see Race Relations Survey 1985 (Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1986). This volume, published annually by this independent organization, provides an extremely useful and detailed survey of political, economic, social, and security-related developments in South Africa.
For insight into the challenges of implementing a reform strategy see Samuel P. Huntington, “Reform and Stability in South Africa,” International Security, Spring 1982, pp. 3–25;
Huntington, “The Trouble With Reform,” Financial Mail, October 24, 1986, pp. 85–87.
For the text of NSSM 39, see Mohamed A. El-Khawas and Barry Cohen, eds., The Kissinger Study of Southern Africa: National Security Study Memorandum 39 (Westport, Connecticut: Lawrence Hill & Co., 1976).
For background to these talks that resulted in an independent Zimbabwe, see Jeffrey Davidow, A Peace in Southern Africa: The Lancaster House Conference on Rhodesia, 1979 (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1984).
Andrew Young, “The United States and Africa: Victory for Diplomacy,” Foreign Affairs, Spring 1981, p. 649.
For a short description of Carter era efforts, see Gaddis Smith, Morality, Reason, and Power: American Diplomacy in the Carter Years (New York: Hill and Wang, 1986), especially chapter 6.
Key aspects of what became Reagan administration policy were presented in an article written by Chester Crocker that appeared during the transition. See Chester Crocker, “South Africa: Strategy for Change,” Foreign Affairs, Winter 1980–81, pp. 323–351.
For a useful analysis of the politics of the Act, see Michael Clough, “Southern Africa: Challenges and Choices,” Foreign Affairs, Summer 1988, pp. 1071–1075.
Shultz signaled the move away from constructive engagement and toward a more public line of opposition in a speech to the Business Council for International Understanding in New York on September 29, 1987. See U.S. Department of State, “The Democratic Future of South Africa,” Current Policy No. 1003 (State Department’s Bureau of Public Affairs, 1987).
For a similar view, see President Ronald Reagan, Report to the Congress pursuant to Section 501 of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986. For dissenting views, see Randall Robinson, “Turn Up Heat on Pretoria”, The New York Times, October 5, 1987;
John Douglas, “Squeeze Pretoria,” The New York Times, July 25, 1988. See also, South Africa: Trends in Trade, Lending, and Investment (Washington, D.C.: U.S. General Accounting Office, 1988), for the mixed results stemming from the decisions of five U.S. companies to disinvest.
For background, see Leonard S. Spector, Going Nuclear (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger Publishing Company, 1987), pp. 220–239.
For an analysis of the possible utility of nuclear weapons for South Africa, see Michele A. Flournoy and Kurt M. Campbell, “South Africa’s Bomb: A Military Option?” Orbis, Summer 1988, pp. 385–401.
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© 1991 Foreign Policy Research Institute
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Haass, R.N. (1991). South Africa under Apartheid. In: Pipes, D., Garfinkle, A. (eds) Friendly Tyrants. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21676-5_19
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