Abstract
As noted in earlier chapters, throughout the postwar period successive British governments found it increasingly difficult, in the face of Britain’s long-term relative economic decline, to sustain the strategy of maintaining British influence in all three of Churchill’s ‘circles’. In Chapter 4 it was suggested that, from the mid-1950s onwards, partly as a result of indigenous nationalism and partly because of the diminishing importance of Britain’s imperial trade, Britain’s involvement in the Empire circle was gradually reduced. As will be seen in Chapter 6, by the 1960s, with the process of decolonisation well under way, Britain was also becoming less important to the United States as a strategically in the global struggle against ‘communist expansionism’. The obvious corollary to this reduction of influence in both the ‘Empire’ and ‘Atlantic’ circles was for the focus of Britain’s foreign policy to shift towards Europe. It was increasingly recognised in the years after Suez that it was here that Britain’s primary economic and political interests were located; that if Britain wished to retain a significant voice in world affairs, then it would have to do so in concert with its allies in Western Europe. The strategic shift towards Europe was not accomplished without difficulty, however. Significant problems were encountered in the 1960s as Britain attempted to institutionalise its European connections.
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes and References
The Council of Europe was loosely based on an idea mooted by Churchill in September 1945. The original members were Britain, France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Ireland and Italy. They were subsequently joined by Iceland, West Germany, Greece, Turkey and Austria.
See, for example, Altiero Spinelli, The Eurocrats, Conflict and Crisis in the EEC (trans. C. Grove Haines) (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1966).
See J. S. Nye, Peace in Parts: Integration and Conflict in Regional Organisation (Boston: Little, Brown, 1971) especially chs 1–3;
Ernst B. Haas, The Uniting of Europe (London: Oxford University Press, 1958).
The original ‘six’ of the subsequent EEC were: France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg.
CMND 13, Agreement concerning the Relations between the United Kingdom and the European Coal and Steel Community (21 Dec. 1954). This in many respects unique agreement in fact gave the UK government and industry direct access to the High Authority and, therefore, to the decision-making structure of the ECSC itself.
This is not to say, however, that Whitehall was entirely unaware of the changes that were under way. The shift in the pattern of Britain’s external trade was certainly anticipated by Sir Frank Lee, then Permanent Undersecretary at the Board of Trade.
An additional reason for Britain’s lack of interest in the EEC at this stage was the belief — widely held in British foreign policy circles — that French opposition would prevent the plans for the proposed EEC from coming into fruition. It was only after Suez had ‘bounced’ the French into the EEC and Euratom ventures that the British realised that they would indeed have to face a de facto customs union among the Six.
CMND 9842, Agreement between … the United Kingdom and … the Federal Republic of Germany for Co-operation in the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy (31 July 1956).
CMND 458, Agreement between … the United Kingdom and the Government of the Italian Republic for Co-operation in the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy (23 Dec. 1957).
CMND 1313, [Three] Exchanges of Notes between … the United Kingdom and … the Federal Republic of Germany concerning Local Defence Costs of UK forces stationed in the Federal Republic … (7 June 1957).
CMND 1080, Exchange of Notes between the Government of the United Kingdom and the Government of the Kingdom of the Netherlands concerning the Arrangements to Facilitate Travel between the United Kingdom and the Netherlands (1 April 1960); CMND 1157 (20 June 1960: as CMND 1080 but refers to the Federal German Republic); CMND 1357 Exchange of Notes between the … United Kingdom and… Luxembourg concerning the Acceptance of the British Visitors Passport for Travel between the UK and Luxembourg (21 Feb. 1961); CMND 1354 (21 Feb. 1961: title as CMND 1357 but refers to Belgium); CMND 1355 (21 Feb. 1961: title as CMND 1357 but refers to the Netherlands).
David Coombes, Politics and Bureaucracy in the European Community: A Portrait of the Commission of the EEC (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1970) p. 75.
Peter Calvocoressi, World Politics since 1945, Fourth Edition (London: Longman, 1982) pp. 167–8.
CMND 2108 Polaris. Sales Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom … and the Government of the United States of America (4 June 1963).
Wallace, The Foreign Policy Process pp. 85–6.
Alan Campbell, ‘Anglo-French relations a decade ago: a new assessment (1)’, International Affairs, vol. 58, no. 2 (1982) pp. 237–53.
CMND 5179, Treaty concerning the Accession of… the United Kingdom … to the European Economic Community and the European Atomic Energy Community including the Act concerning the conditions of Accession and the Adjustment to the Treaties … (1 Jan. 1973).
The Warsaw Treaty Organisation was created in 1955. Its members are USSR, Poland, the German Democratic Republic, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Romania and Bulgaria.
Sanders, Lawmaking and Cooperation, pp. 21–7.
Colville, The Fringes of Power, p. 683.
The Oxford Dictionary of Quotations (Oxford University Press, 1985) attributes the phrase to Theodore Roosevelt (p. 408).
CMND 1076, Five Year Trade Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom and the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (24 May 1959); CMND 917, Agreement between the … United Kingdom and… the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on relations in the Scientific, Technological, Educational and Cultural fields, 1960–61 (1 Dec. 1959); CMND 2557, Protocol for the prolongation of the Five Year Trade Agreement between … the United Kingdom and … the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (23 April 1964).
CMND 4705, Long-Term Economic and Trade Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom … and the Government of the Polish People’s Republic (21 April 1971).
CMND 5016, Long-Term Economic and Trade Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom … and the Government of the Hungarian People’s Republic (21 March 1972); CMND 5074, Long-Term Economic and Trade Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom … and the Government of… Czechoslovakia (27 June 1982); CMND 5106, Long-Term Economic and Trade Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom … and the Socialist Republic of Romania (15 June 1972).
CMND 5286, Long-Term Agreement on the Development of Economic, Industrial, Scientific and Technical Co-operation between the Government of the United Kingdom … and the Government of the Polish People’s Republic (20 March 1973); CMND 5552, Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom … and the Government of the German Democratic Republic on the Development of Economic, Industrial, Scientific and Technical Co-operation (18 Dec. 1973).
The actual figures were: in favour, 48 per cent; opposed, 26 per cent; don’t know, 26 per cent. See Younger, ‘Public Opinion and British Foreign Policy’ p. 31.
Calvocoressi, World Politics, p. 171. For a discussion of the Kennedy Round negotiations, see Coombes, Politics and Bureaucracy, pp. 166– 216.
For a provocative — and entertaining — view of the decline, see Corelli Barnet, The Audit of War: the Illusion and Reality of Britain as a Great Nation (London: Macmillan, 1986).
This tendency is documented extensively in Peter Willetts, The Non-Aligned Movement: The Origins of a Third World Alliance (London: Frances Pinter, 1978).
See, for example, C. E. Carrington, ‘Between the Commonwealth and Europe’, International Affairs, vol. 38, no. 2 (1962) pp. 449–455.
The three exceptions were Finland, Norway and Denmark.
See, for example, Frank Longstreth, ‘The City, Industry and the State’, in Colin Crouch (ed.), State and Economy in Contemporary Capitalism (London: Croom Helm, 1979) pp. 157–90.
Jonathan Lynn and Anthony Jay, Yes, Prime Minister: the Diaries of the Right Hon. James Hacker, Volume II (London: BBC Books, 1987).
France (after 1966) and the Irish Republic were not full NATO members.
There were nine such decisions in 1974 and 10 in 1975. See, for example, CMND 6258, Decisions of the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States of the European Coal and Steel Community meeting in Council, opening, allocating and providing for the allocation of Tariff Quotas and opening Tariff Preferences for certain Steel Products originating in Developing Countries (2 Dec. 1974).
A 2:1 majority voted in favour of continued membership of the Community in June 1975 (67.2 per cent Yes; 32.8 per cent No).
See Helen Wallace, ‘The British Presidency of the European Community’s Council of Ministers: the opportunity to persuade’, International Affairs, vol. 64, no. 4 (1986) pp. 583–99.
For details, see Jan-Erik Lane and Svante O. Ersson, Politics and Society in Western Europe (London: Sage, 1987).
Joseph Frankel, ‘Conventional and theorising diplomats: a critique’, International Affairs, vol. 57, no. 3 (1981) p. 547.
Wallace, ‘The British Presidency of the European Community’s Council of Ministers’, p. 585.
See, for example, Leon Lindberg, Political Dynamics of European Economic Integration (London: Oxford University Press, 1963).
Lord Gladwyn, ‘Western Europe’s Collective Defence’, International Affairs, vol. 51, no. 2 (1975) p. 168.
Douglas Hurd, ‘Prospects for Europe: Political Co-operation’, International Affairs, vol. 57, no. 3 (1981) p. 383. It is also worth noting that the Single European Act of 1986 extended EPC still further. The aim before 1986 was to provide a consultative framework that could be used if the political will was there: after 1986, consultation through EPC became a legal requirement.
James Eberle, John Roper, William Wallace and Phil Williams, ‘European Security Cooperation and British interests’, International Affairs, vol. 60, no. 4 (1984) p. 546.
Evan Luard, ‘A European Foreign Policy?’ International Affairs, vol. 62, no. 4 (1986) p. 576.
The Independent European Arms Procurement Group was created in 1975.
These took place largely within the framework of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe which arose out of the Helsinki Final Act of 1975.
Hurd, ‘Prospects for Europe’, p. 386.
For details of these matters, see Geoffrey Edwards, ‘Europe and the Falkland Islands crisis 1982’, Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 22, no. 4 (1984) pp. 295–313.
Greece became a full EC member in January 1981; Spain and Portugal in January 1986.
Luard, ‘A European Foreign Policy?’, p. 580.
Copyright information
© 1989 David Sanders
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Sanders, D. (1989). The Search for a New Role: The European Circle after 1956. In: Losing an Empire, Finding a Role. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20747-3_6
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20747-3_6
Publisher Name: Palgrave, London
Print ISBN: 978-0-333-44266-1
Online ISBN: 978-1-349-20747-3
eBook Packages: Palgrave History CollectionHistory (R0)