Abstract
Welfare policy, more than most other forms of public administration, is a poor, makeshift thing. It is vulnerable not only to the limitations of our collective resources, but also to the limitations of our common knowledge. As such, it is a branch of political activity susceptible to the cant of ‘moralism’, and to the sententious pursuit of nebulous political goals under the guise of humanitarian generosity.2 But, at last, it has become possible — if not quite respectable — to say so. During the last decade, beginning in the United States, but now spreading across Western Europe, a new theoretical consensus has emerged amongst welfare analysts which has drawn considered opinion away from some of the vaguer invocations of political utopianism, and has concentrated critical attention upon the record — the mundane sociological record — of what forty years of state-sponsored welfarism have actually done for the poor and for the not-so-poor, in advanced societies. In the wake of this reappraisal, there are encouraging signs that welfare policy may yet mature into a branch of political activity and public administration that will be judged by its results, and not by its intentions, and still less by the self-justifications of those who earn their living from its provision. For the results of those four decades of effort, in this country as elsewhere, suggest, to those who would look at the evidence with open eyes, that an old theoretical orthodoxy about the provision of public welfare has finally hit the buffers.
I would like to thank the editor and Professor Nathan Glazer for their extremely helpful comments on an earlier version of this chapter.
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Notes and References
Charles Murray, Losing Ground: American Social Policy, 1950–1980 (New York, 1984): 236.
R. H. Tawney, Equality (London, 1964): 122.
For this argument, see Nicholas Barr, The Economics Of The Welfare State (London, 1987) Chapter 5.
On which, see Robert E. Goodin, Protecting The Vulnerable: A Reanaly-sis of Our Social Responsibilities (Chicago, 1985) especially Chapters 5 and 6.
C. A. R. Crosland, The Future of Socialism (London, 1956): 579.
T. H. Marshall, Social Policy (1970)
The locus classicus of this argument is Julian Le Grand, The Strategy of Equality: Redistribution and The Social Services (London, 1982) especially Chapters 3 and 4.
For a balanced view of this problem, see Robert E. Goodin and Julian Le Grand, et al, Not Only The Poor: The Middle Classes And The Welfare State (London, 1987) Chapter 10.
The protagonists are too numerous to list; I take the publication of David T. Ellwood, Poor Support: Poverty in The American Family (New York, 1988) to be axiomatic of the new consensus, in that it shows just how far an intelligent political liberal has come to meet some of the most important criticisms of welfare policy, and of the assumptions of welfarism, made by neo-conservative and neo-liberal critics of the system and its ethical justifications; at a more theoretical level, Robert E. Goodin, Reasons For Welfare (Princeton, 1988) shows how far a political radical is willing to defend a ‘minimal’ welfare state against both conservative and socialist criticisms, but it also shows how little an intelligent ‘welfarist’ is prepared to defend his argument in terms of ‘social equality’.
The best historical account of this concept may be found in Gertrude Himmelfarb, The Idea of Poverty: England In The Early Industrial Age (London, 1984) especially Chapter 14.
For a balanced discussion of the relative merits of ‘universal’ and ‘means-tested’ social programmes, see Nathan Glazer, The Limits of Social Policy (Cambridge, Mass., 1988) Chapter 10.
M. Mead, ‘The New Welfare Debate’, Commentary, 85 (March 1988): 47–8.
For a truly hysterical response, see Fred Block, Richard A. Cloward, Barbara Ehrenreich and Frances Fox Piven, The Mean Season: The Attack On The Welfare State (New York, 1987) passim.
The debate on exactly what is the relationship between welfare incentives and single-parent families is controversial, and confusing, even for the USA, where the data is most extensive; for a summary of the state of the argument and the evidence from US sources, see Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Family and Nation (New York, 1987): 216–18.
See, for instance, the remarks of Ralf Dahrendorf, The Modern Social Conflict: An Essay on The Politics of Liberty (London, 1988): 33–4.
David Whitman, ‘The Return Of The New Dealers’, The Public Interest, 94 (Winter 1989): 109; the citation is from Ellwood, Poor Support: 180.
The most scholarly study of this phenomenon is William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, The Underclass and Public Policy (Chicago, 1987) especially Chapters 2, 3 and 4.
M. Mead, Beyond Entitlement: The Social Obligations of Citizenship (New York, 1986)
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© 1990 S. J. D. Green
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Green, S.J.D. (1990). Needs, Entitlements and Obligations: Towards a New Consensus on Welfare Policy. In: Clark, J.C.D. (eds) Ideas and Politics in Modern Britain. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20686-5_9
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