Abstract
Janus-like, Mrs Thatcher and her colleagues had to look to both peace and war. This fundamental ambiguity was the defining characteristic of the War Cabinet’s predicament and it influenced all aspects of the invasion crisis. It not only accounted for the uncertainty which distinguished the transitional stage in what had become a national political drama, it also meant that the War Cabinet had to develop two separate but closely related policies, one designed to serve diplomatic goals, the other to serve military objectives. Each was governed by its own dynamics and each was produced by its own combination of authors, although the members of the War Cabinet provided a common link. The structure of the crisis and the political leadership of the War Cabinet ensured, however, that military policy had priority and that diplomacy was ultimately subordinate to the requirements of the military campaign.
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Notes
Sir Anthony Parsons, ‘The Falkland Crisis in the United Nations, 31 March–14 June 1982’, International Affairs, Vol. 59, No. 2 (Spring 1983) p. 170. See also,
Assembly of Western European Union Twenty-Eighth Ordinary Session (Second Part), The Falkland Crisis (Paris: Report submitted on behalf of the Committee on Defence Questions and Armaments, 8 November 1982) Document 935, Appendix 1(2), pp. 24–5; hereafter referred to as WEU, The Falklands Crisis.
Jozef Goldblat and Victor Millan, The Falklands/Malvinas Conflict—A Spur to Arms Build-ups (Stockholm: SIPRI, 1983). The OAS, however, did declare its support of Argentina’s claim to the Falklands.
Philip Windsor, ‘Diplomatic Dimensions of the Falklands Crisis’, Millenium: Journal of International Studies, Vol. 12, No. 1 (Spring 1983) p. 95.
Duality of purpose is a theme well explored in the literature of international relations, particularly that section of it which deals with force and crisis. See, for example, Schelling, Arms and Influence, as well as Strategy and Conflict; Stanley Hoffman, The State of War: Essays on the Theory and Practice of International Politics (London: Pall Mall, 1965); and
W. W. Kaufmann, ‘Force and Foreign Policy’, in W. W. Kaufmann (ed.) Military Policy and National Security (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1956).
Anthony Nutting, No End of a Lesson: The Story of Suez (London: Constable, 1967); and
David Carlton, Anthony Eden: A Biography London: Allen Lane, 1981) chapter XI.
Alexander M. Haig Jr, Caveat: Realism, Reagan and Foreign Policy (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1984), chapter 13. See also The Sunday Telegraph, 1 April 1984; and Sir Nicholas Henderson, HC 268-IV, para. 257.
Desmond Rice and Arthur Gavshon, The Sinking of the BELGRANO (London: Secker and Warburg, 1984) Appendix 3 (A): ‘The Haig Memorandum of Agreement, 27 April 1983’, pp. 189–92.
See John Baylis, Anglo-American Defence Relations 1939–1980: The Special Relationship (London: Macmillan, 1981); and
G. M. Dillon, Dependence and Deterrence (Aldershot: Gower, 1983).
In newspaper reports and leaks too numerous to cite. For some of the main publications involved in the Belgrano affair see Rice and Gavshon, op. cit.; Tam Dalyell, Thatcher’s Torpedo; and Clive Ponting, The Right to Know (London: Sphere, 1985).
Sir Geoffrey Vickers, The Art of Judgement (London: Methuen, 1965), for example; or
Desmond Keeling, Management in Government (London: Allen and Unwin, 1972).
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© 1989 G. M. Dillon
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Dillon, G.M. (1989). War Cabinet Diplomacy. In: The Falklands, Politics and War. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19724-8_5
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