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Black Unions and Political Change in South Africa

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Can South Africa Survive?
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Abstract

One of the most significant changes that has taken place in South Africa since the publication of Johnson’s book, has been the development of an extensive network of independent black trade unions that has articulated in an increasingly militant way the frustrations and deprivations of the black African working class.1 The growth of these unions has created a significant problem for the government and has undoubtedly contributed to the escalating crisis in the Republic. Yet there are important disagreements over the nature and extent of the challenge posed by black unions. Some writers have claimed that this ‘new wave’ of black unionisation has presented the state with its most serious and profound threat for many years. For example, Adam has argued that it ‘would seem to be on the labour front … that the South African state faces its most serious challenge and where ultimately the politicization of ethnicity shows its most severe effects’.2 Friedman, while generally more cautious in assessing the long-term political implications of black unionisation, nevertheless claims that the black trade unions are organisations through which ‘hundreds and thousands of working people have gained a sense of their own power which is already changing the factories and may well help to change the country too’.3 Others, however, have suggested that the combined effects of internal division and structural weakness, together with the debilitating consequences of continued political repression, must inevitably serve to limit the political effectiveness of black unions for the foreseeable future.

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Notes

  1. H. Adam, ‘South Africa’s Search for Legitimacy’, Telos, 59, 1980, p. 60.

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  2. S. Friedman, Building Tomorrow Today, Johannesburg, Raven Press, 1987, p. 4.

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  3. R. Johnson, How Long Will South Africa Survive?, London, Macmillan, 1977, p. 87.

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  4. M. Plaut, ‘The Political Significance of COSATU’, Transformation 2, 1986, p. 62. See also

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  5. M. Plaut, ‘Changing Perspectives on South African Trade Unions’, Review of African Political Economy, 30, 1985, pp. 116–23.

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  6. Figures on the levels of strike activity from year to year are given in: S. Friedman, Building Tomorrow Today, op. cit., p. 125 ff; M. Plaut, ‘The Political Significance of COSATU’, op. cit., p. 63; R. and L. Lambert, ‘State Reform and Working Class Resistance, 1982’, in South Africa Review One: Same Foundations, New Facades, Johannesburg, Ravan Press, 1983, p. 220.

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  7. In November 1976, twenty-eight activists from the new union movement were banned. See M. Murphy, Trade Unions in South Africa, London, Workers’ Educational Association, 1984, p. 14. Much lower levels of union militancy were recorded during 1977 and 1978 following the post-Soweto repression. See R. and L. Lambert, ‘State Reform’, op. cit., p. 220.

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  8. For a summary of the major recommendations of the Wiehahn Commission, see W. Vose, ‘Wiehahn and Riekert Revisited: A Review of the Prevailing Black Labour Conditions in South Africa’, International Labour Review 124, 1985, pp. 449ff.

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  9. For a more detailed discussion of these different responses to registration amongst the black trade unions, see M. Mitchell and D. Russell, ‘South Africa in Crisis: The Role of the Black Trade Unions’, in W. Brierley, Trade Unions and the Economic Crisis of the 1980s Aldershot, Gower, 1987, pp. 195ff.

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  10. These figures and others in this section are taken from J. Lewis and E. Randall, ‘The State of the Unions’, Review of African Political Economy, 35, 1986, pp. 68–77. This is an abridged version of a longer article first published in South African Labour Bulletin, 11, 1985.

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  11. These figures are based on a survey of twenty-three independent black unions conducted by Lewis and Randall, ibid., pp. 72–3. The degrees of change are derived on the basis of a comparison with the survey reported in E. Webster, ‘New Force on the Shop Floor’, in South Africa Review Two, Johannesburg, Ravan Press, 1984, pp. 79–89.

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  12. For a detailed discussion of this drive towards militarisation, see M. Mitchell and D. Russell, ‘Militarisation and the South African State’, in C. Creighton and M. Shaw, The Sociology of War and Peace, London, Macmillan, 1987, pp. 99–120.

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  13. For a clear statement of the workerist misgivings over affiliation to the UDF, see the interview with David Lewis, a former general secretary of the GWU, ‘General Workers’ Union and the UDF’, Work in Progress, 29, 1983, pp. 11–18. For a statement of the opposing populist standpoint by one of the leaders of SAAWU, see S. Njikelana, ‘The Unions and the Front: A Response to David Lewis’, in South African Labour Bulletin, 9, 1984, pp. 76–83.

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  14. For a brief discussion of the successful 1985 Empangeni bus boycott and the role of the unions in this, see P. Green, ‘Northern Natal: Meeting UWUSA’s Challenge’, South African Labour Bulletin 12, 1986, pp. 76–7. A short account of the attempt to replicate the Empangeni campaign in Pietermaritzberg, is given in ‘How Fares the Struggle’, Industrial Relations Data 5 Johannesburg, Andrew Levy and Associates, May 1986, p. 11.

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  15. For further details see P. Green, ‘Northern Natal: Meeting UWUSA’s Challenge’, South African Labour Bulletin, 12, 1986, pp. 75–6.

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  16. M. Murray, South Africa: Time of Agony, Time of Destiny, London, Verso, 1987, p. 164.

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  17. In 1983, Webster compared the figures for union density in South Africa, which he claimed was ‘the lowest percentage of workers unionised in the developed capitalist world’, with the figures for Sweden (83 per cent), the United Kingdom (50 per cent), West Germany (38 per cent), Japan (33 per cent), and the USA (20 per cent). Our figure of 15 per cent union density is an estimate and compares with Webster’s 1983 figure of 12 per cent. E. Webster, ‘New Force’, op. cit., p. 80. Adam and Moodley have also recently quoted a figure of 15 per cent. See H. Adam and K. Moodley, South Africa Without Apartheid, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1986, p. 183.

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  18. R. Davies, D. O’Meara and S. Diamini, The Struggle for South Africa, Vol. 2 London, Zed Books, 1984, p. 55; J. Keenan, ‘The Recession and the African Working Class’, in South Africa Review Two op. cit., p. 138.

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  19. W. Cobbett, D. Glaser, D. Hindson and M. Swilling, ‘South Africa’s Regional Political Economy: A Critical Analysis of Reform Strategy in the 1980s’, in South Africa Review Three, Ravan Press, Johannesburg, 1986, pp. 137–68.

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© 1989 John D. Brewer

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Mitchell, M., Russell, D. (1989). Black Unions and Political Change in South Africa. In: Brewer, J.D. (eds) Can South Africa Survive?. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19661-6_11

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