In October 1906, Parham had travelled to Los Angeles having received a letter from Seymour and reports from friends who were critical of black influence at the Azusa Mission. With his desire to dominate the movement and ensure that blacks ‘kept their place’, Parham was strongly opposed to ‘white people imitating’, what he referred to as, ‘the unintelligent, crude negroisms of the Southland, and laying it on the Holy Ghost’.1 ‘When he reached Azusa,’ writes Nelson, ‘he recoiled in disgust at what he saw: black and whites intermingling against every accepted custom of American society.’ ‘To my utter surprise and astonishment,’ wrote Parham, ‘I found conditions even worse than I had anticipated.’2


Finished Work Colored People White Minister Holy Ghost Black Minister 
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Notes and References

  1. 1.
    The Apostolic Faith (Baxter Springs, Kansas, Apr. 1925) pp. 9, 10; Parham, Sarah E. (comp.) The Life of Charles F. Parham Founder of the Apostolic Faith Movement (Joplin, Missouri: Tri-State Printing Co., 1930) pp. 148, 154–5, 160, 168.Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    Parham, Charles F., A Voice Crying in the Wilderness (Baxter Springs, Kansas: Joplin Printing Co., 1944) pp. 83, 91–100; Parham, Life, p. 163;Google Scholar
  3. Parham, Charles, Fox, The Everlasting Gospel (Baxter Springs, Kansas: np, 1942; originally 1911) p. 72; Parham, Life, pp. 163–4;Google Scholar
  4. Nelson, Douglas J. For Such a Time as This: the Story of Bishop William J. Seymour and the Azusa Street Revival, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Birmingham, May 1981, p. 209.Google Scholar
  5. 6.
    One independent Pentecostal preacher in Britain, Brian Williams, still attempts to promote these teachings in Britain and South Africa as does the Church of God/ Ambassador College of Herbert W. Armstrong in the United States (Williams, Brian, Britain’s Royal Throne (Birmingham: Brian Williams Evangelistic Association, 1968);Google Scholar
  6. Armstrong, Herbert, W., The United States and British Commonwealth in Prophecy (Pasadena, California: Ambassador College Press, 1972).Google Scholar
  7. 8.
    Nelson, pp. 211, 242n. 151. According to Alma White, ‘Parham’s company said Seymour’s people had the devil in them’ White, Alma, Demons and Tongues [Zarephath, New Jersey: Pillar of Fire, 1949; originally 1936] p. 81.Google Scholar
  8. 9.
    Parham, Life, p. 276; Synan, Vinson, The Holiness-Pentecostal Movement in the United States (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1971) p. 180; Apostolic Faith (Baxter Springs, Kansas, Missouri, Mar. 1927) p. 5 quoted in Anderson;Google Scholar
  9. Robert Mapes, A Social History of the Early Twentieth Century Pentecostal Movement (Columbia University, Ph.D.) dissertation, 1969 (High Wycombe: University Microfilms) pp. 320–1.Google Scholar
  10. 11.
    White, Demons and Tongues, pp.72–3; Bartleman, Frank, Azusa Street (Plainfield NJ: Logos International, 1980; originally 1925) p. 84; Synan, Holiness-Pentecostal, p. 111.Google Scholar
  11. In 1924 the Norwegian, Emanuel Linderholm, reflected White’s negative view of Seymour when he wrote: ‘It is also possible that there has been something demonic about this negro, which in itself, anymore than with Rasputin, should not have hindered, but rather promoted his suggestive influence, especially within the female world’ (Linderholm, Emanuel, Pirgstroreisen. 1 Dess forutststtningar och upppkomst. Ekstas, under och apokalyptik i bibel och nytida folkreligiositet [Stockholm, 1924] p. 244Google Scholar
  12. quoted in Bloch-Hoell, Nils, The Pentecostal Movement (Oslo: Universitetsforlaget; London: Allen & Unwin, 1964) pp. 36–7.Google Scholar
  13. 16.
    Nelson, p. 248; Menzies, William W., ‘Non Wesleyan Origins of the Pentecostal Movement’ in Synan, Vinson, Aspects of Pentecostal-Charasmatic Origins (Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1975) pp. 90–2.Google Scholar
  14. 18.
    Anderson, pp. 317–18; Bloch-Hoell, Nils, The Pentecostal Movement (Oslo: Universitetsforlaget; London: Allen & Unwin, 1964) pp. 53–4.Google Scholar
  15. 30.
    Conn, Charles, W., Like a Mighty Army: a History of the Church of God (Cleveland: Pathway Press, 1977) pp. 132–3.Google Scholar
  16. 33.
    Tomlinson, A. J., Minutes of the Sixteenth Assembly (Cleveland, Tennessee, 1926) pp. 25–6.Google Scholar
  17. 36.
    Seymour,. W. J., Amended Articles of Incorporation, 19 May, 1914, p. 1, quoted in Nelson. p. 264.Google Scholar
  18. 40.
    For a more extensive treatment of the Oneness doctrines see Reed, David Arthur, Origins and Development of the Theology of Oneness Pentecostalism in the US, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Boston University, 1978.Google Scholar
  19. Clanton, Arthur L. United We Stand [Hazelwood, Missouri: The Pentecostal Publishing House, 1970] pp. 142–3; Minutes Book of the Pentecostal Assemblies of the World, Inc. np, 1981.Google Scholar
  20. The songs of the slave community approximated more closely to a Oneness/Jesucentric position than a trinitarian one (Cone, James, H. The Spirituals and the Blues: an Interpretation (New York: The Seabury Press, 1972).Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Iain MacRobert 1988

Authors and Affiliations

  • Iain MacRobert
    • 1
  1. 1.LangleyUSA

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