Abstract
In one form or another, defence against Soviet aggression has been the professed objective of Western policy since World War II. At various times the policy has ranged from confrontation to détente, from cold war to peaceful engagement, but whatever the nomenclature or its political content, collective defence has been the keystone of Western strategy. Whatever the West’s apparent beliefs and hopes for eventual political reconciliation with the Soviet bloc through trade and other contacts, it has never put its trust entirely in diplomacy.
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Notes and References
Nicholas Henderson, The Birth of NATO (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1982) pp. 72–3.
Escott Reid, Time of Fear and Hope: The Making of the North Atlantic Treaty (Toronto: McLelland and Stewart, 1977) p. 215.
Cited William Roger Louis, Imperialism at Bay: The United States and the Decolonisation of the British Empire 1941–5 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978) p. 562.
The Vandenburg Resolutions and the North Atlantic Treaty. Hearings held in executive session before the Committee on Foreign Relations, US Senate, 80th Congress, 2nd Session; 81st Congress, 1st Session, June 1948/9, Historical Series, August 1973, pp. 143–4.
Foreign Relations of the United States—Western Europe 3 (1948) (Washington D.C. Department of State, 1974) p. 240.
Events Leading up to the Signature of the North Atlantic Treaty Cmnd 7692 (para. 5), 1950 (London: HMSO, 1950).
NATO Final Communiqués 1949–74 (Brussels: NATO Information Office, 1974) p. 55.
Robert Osgood, NATO: The Entangling Alliance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962) pp. 66–7.
E. A. Boateng, A Political Geography of Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978) p. 127.
Richard Connolly, ‘Africa’s Strategic Importance’ in Grove Haines (ed.) Africa Today (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1955) p. 56.
John Foster Dulles Speech before the Supreme Lodge of B’nai B’rith, 8 May 1956 cited Rupert Emerson, ‘The Atlantic Community and the Emerging Countries’, International Organisation, 17:3 Summer 1963, p. 631.
For a full transcript of the Committee’s report, NATO Letter January 1957, p. 5.
See Melvin Gurtov, The United States Versus the Third World: Anti-Nationalism and Intervention (New York: Praeger, 1974).
Cited in Alfred Grosser, The Western Alliance (New York: Continuum, 1980) p. 152.
Henry Kissinger, The Troubled Partnership (New York: Harper and Row, 1965) p. 9.
Raymond Aron, ‘Reflections on American Diplomacy’, Daedalus, Fall 1962, p. 728.
Ben Moore, NATO and the Future of Europe (New York: Harper and Row, 1958) p. 66.
Alastair Buchan, NATO in the 1960s: Implications of Interdependence (London: Chatto and Windus, 1964) p. 31.
Harland Cleveland, NATO: The Transatlantic Bargain (New York: Praeger, 1970) p. 176.
Norman Padelford, ‘Political Cooperation in the North Atlantic Community’, International Organisation, II, Summer 1955.
All forces in NATO are under national command and assigned to the Alliance only in time of war or crisis or during military manouevres. Consequently, governments are permitted to withdraw forces for crises outside the NATO theatre. The British did so for the Malayan emergency; the French for operations in Algeria after 1958.
Alvin Cottrell/James Dougherty, The Atlantic Alliance: a Short Practical Guide (London: Pall Mall Press, 1964) p. 202.
Charles de Gaulle, Discours et Messages (Paris: Plon, 1970) pp. 247–8.
Wolfram F. Hanrieder/Graeme P. Auton, The Foreign Policies of West Germany, France and Britain (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1980) p. 106.
George Ball, The Discipline of Power (New York: Little and Brown and Co., 1968) pp. 64–5.
Ian Smart, ‘The New Atlantic Charter’, The World Today, June 1973, p. 240.
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© 1985 RUSI
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Coker, C. (1985). The Past as Prologue: The Western Alliance and Africa, 1949–74. In: NATO, The Warsaw Pact and Africa. Rusi Defence Studies Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17884-1_1
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