Abstract
If we were asked to generalise on the various ideas and movements we have just discussed under the rubric of ‘equality’, we would have to say that they represent a concerted and persistent thrust, violent or gradual, towards the dissolution of whatever are considered to be the more egregious class distinctions, and a concomitant and apparently inseparable effort to socially orchestrate a broader distribution of material possessions. The simultaneous (and sometimes coterminous or collocated) movements toward liberty, on the other hand, march to the sound of a different drummer. Like Hobbes they may define liberty as the right to preserve one’s own nature and do what they want without unnecessary obstacles, or like Locke they may add the stipulation that what they want to do should be in accord with the laws of nature or morality, or like Mill they may stipulate that others not be harmed. But the emphasis is generally on a lack of restriction in doing what one wants or considers to be right.
Today, when only the herd animal is honoured and dispenses honor … — is greatness possible?
Friedrich Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil
In Britain, the Labour party finds itself in danger of being torn asunder by the demands of some to equalize and of others to give greater liberty to enterprisers. In the United States your liberty to contribute without limit to the campaign of your favorite candidate and his liberty to spend must contend with the ideal of equality of opportunity in the electoral race. The liberty of free association, for example, in schools, clubs, and the like, confronts the egalitarian ideal of integration. And again the ideal of equal access to medical treatment finds itself in tension with the liberty of the individual to select his or her own doctor.
J. Roland Pennock, Democratic Political Theory
[After the Second World War] the Russian and American peoples were ill equipped for understanding each other. The Americans saw their summum bonum in a personal liberty which they rather oddly identified with equality, whereas the Russian Communist dominant minority saw their summum bonum in a theoretical equality which they still more oddly identified with liberty.
Arnold Toynbee, A Study of History
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes
See Cohen, Democracy (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1971) p. 273: ‘Of the three [liberty, fraternity, equality], it is liberty that is the dearest, whose absence is most painful, whose limitation is most quickly noted.’
Charles Sherover sums up a recurring theme in political philosophy, in his anthology, The Development of the Democratic Idea (NY: Mentor, 1974), in his postscript: ‘How much equality can we have without endangering liberty and stifling progress? At what point do the limitations of liberty demand the enforcement of some kind of equality?’
John Plamenatz, in ‘Some American Images of Democracy’ in The Great Ideas Today, 1968 (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1968), observes that this negative construal of liberty, found also in contemporary books by Dahl and others, says only the barest minimum about liberty, and must be supplemented with specific positive prescriptions regarding rights of free speech, free association, upward mobility and suffrage.
Herbert Aptheker, The Nature of Democracy, Freedom and Revolution (NY: International, 1967) pp. 7, 11, 14.
On the counterproductive effects of simple solutions in revolutionary theory, see H. Kainz, The Unbinding of Prometheus: Towards Philosophy of Revolution (L. I., NY: Libra, 1976) ch. IV.
John Rawl, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971).
See Roche’s ‘Utilitarianism versus Rawls: Defending Teleological Moral Theory’, in Social Theory and Practice, VIII, 2, Summer, 1982.
Relevant comparisons of Rawls with Kant have been made (see, e.g. William Galston, ‘Moral Personality and Liberal Theory’, Political Theory X, 4, Nov. 1982, p. 492), and one might argue that Rawl’s ‘Maximin Rule’ gives final specification to Rousseau’s ‘General Will’. Suffice it to say that Rawl’s reasoning is squarely in accord with a certain approach to the pursuit of certainty, beginning with Descartes.
See Arthur Di Quattro, ‘Rawls and Left Criticism’, Political Theory, XI, 1, Feb. 1983.
Dworkin, Taking Rights Seriously (Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1977).
Copyright information
© 1984 Howard P. Kainz
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Kainz, H.P. (1984). Equality vs. Liberty?. In: Democracy East and West. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17596-3_4
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17596-3_4
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London
Print ISBN: 978-1-349-17598-7
Online ISBN: 978-1-349-17596-3
eBook Packages: Palgrave Political & Intern. Studies CollectionPolitical Science and International Studies (R0)