Abstract
The Irish question in the form in which it had dominated the politics of late Victorian England passed into history with the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty in the early morning of 6 December 1921. It had a threefold importance in its concluding phases. In English politics the Irish settlement was a principal cause of the break up of Lloyd George’s Coalition government and of the subsequent return to traditional party alignments at Westminster. In Irish history it represented the substantial but not the complete failure of English attempts to rule Ireland which had lasted some seven hundred years, the incompleteness deriving from the continuing inclusion of the six plantation counties of the north-east within the United Kingdom. Finally, the Irish question became a landmark in the history of the British Commonwealth of Nations because dominion status was conferred by the treaty for the first time on a country which was not in origin a colony of settlement and had not progressed by stages towards that politico-constitutional relationship with Britain. It is the last alone that has its place in Commonwealth history. But how and why it attained that place, against logic and historical probability, is not to be understood without consideration first of English and then of Irish political attitudes.1
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Notes
The Anglo-Irish background to the Treaty Settlement is examined in N. Mansergh, The Irish Question 1840–1921, London, 1965, and in longer perspective in J.C. Beckett, The Making of Modern Ireland, 1603–1923, London,. 1966.
Philip Guedalla, The Queen and Mr. Gladstone (2 vols), London, 1933, vol. 2, p. 177.
A.P. Thornton, The Habit of Authority, London, 1966, p. 291.
Sir Henry Lucy, A Diary of Two Parliaments, 1880–1885, London, 1886, pp. 84–5.
Quoted in Kenneth Young, Arthur fames Balfour, London, 1963, p. 100.
Sir Henry Lucy, Memories of Eight Parliaments, London, 1908, pp. 155–7.
Quoted in L.P. Curtis, Coercion and Conciliation in Ireland 1880–1892. A Study in Conservative Unionism, Princeton, 1963, p. 179. This book provides the authoritative account of A.J. Balfour’s Irish administration and the ideas behind it.
John Biggs-Davison, George Wyndham: A Study in Toryism, London, 1951, p. 236.
Stephen Gwynn (ed.), The Anvil of War: Letters between F.S. Oliver and his Brother, 1914–1918, London, 1936, p. 23.
Robert Blake, The Unknown Prime Minister, London, 1955, p. 531. The author believed that until the war Ulster was one of the two things Bonar Law really cared about. The other was tariff reform.
A.M. Gollin, Proconsul in Politics: A Study of Lord Milner in opposition and in power, London, 1964, pp. 45–6 and 193. See generally pp. 184–94.
Arthur Griffith, The Resurrection of Hungary: A Parallel for Ireland (3rd ed.), Dublin, 1918, pp. 89–91.
W.S. Churchill, The World Crisis; The Aftermath, London, 1929, p. 281.
W.B. Yeats, Collected Poems, London, 1934, p. 205.
W.K. Hancock, Survey of British Commonwealth Affairs (2 vols), London, 1937–42, vol. 1, p. 99, and D. MacDonagh’s essay on Tlunkett and MacDonagh’ in F.X. Martin (ed.), Leaders and Men of the Easter Rising: Dublin 1916, London, 1967, pp. 166–7.
Harold Nicolson, King George V, London, 1952, pp. 346–9.
D.G. Boyce, Englishmen and Irish Troubles, 1918–1922, Cambridge, Mass., 1972, pp. 180 and 170.
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© 1982 Nicholas Mansergh
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Mansergh, N. (1982). Ireland: the Dominion Settlement. In: The Commonwealth Experience. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-16950-4_7
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-16950-4_7
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