Abstract
The pressure of population on limited land resources and shrinking employment opportunities in rural areas were certainly important in pushing people into the towns and cities. But ‘pull’ was probably always more important than ‘push’ in migration and undoubtedly the city had its attractions. The city meant ‘life’, excitement, thrills for the young. It could mean independence from the restraints of the family. Even in Engels’s Manchester many single people were setting up homes with friends of their own age before they got married: asserting their independence from their parents. For the single girl the city offered a greater chance of marriage than she was ever likely to get in a village. But, most important of all, it offered higher earnings. The young male migrant to the city could expect to earn roughly 50 per cent more than he could as an agricultural labourer. This was true throughout the second half of the nineteenth century, and probably the gap between town and country widened fractionally in the first decade of the twentieth century.1 Also, in the towns, there were many opportunities for jobs other than labouring. With some experience of rural crafts, a man could hope to move to a skilled position in the building trades or in engineering. Money could be made in the towns and earnings were rising.
The general conclusion from all the facts is, that what has happened to the working classes in the last fifty years is not so much what may properly be called an improvement, as a revolution of the most remarkable description…. From being a dependent class without future and hope, the masses of working men have in fact got into a position from which they may effectually advance to almost any degree of civilisation.
Robert Giffen, Essays in Finance (1887), p. 473.
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Notes and References
The main sources for wages and prices are A. L. Bowley, Wages and Income in the United Kingdom since 1860 (Cambridge, 1937),
E. H. Phelps Brown and M. Browne, A Century of Pay (1968),
G. H. Wood, ‘Real Wages and the Standard of Comfort since 1850’, Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, LXXIII (1909) and W. T. Layton and G. Crowther, History of Prices (1937).
The various indexes cited are most readily available in B. R. Mitchell and P. Deane, Abstract of British Historical Statistics (Cambridge, 1962).
G. Barnsby, ‘The Standard of Living in the Black Country during the Nineteenth Century’, Economic History Review, XXIV (1971) 220–39;
E. Hopkins, ‘Small Town Aristocrats and Their Standard of Living, 1840–1914’, Economic History Review, XXVIII (1975) 222–42.
S. Pollard, History of Labour in Sheffield (Liverpool, 1959) pp. 105–9.
E. H. Hunt, Regional Wage Variations in Britain, 1850–1914 (Oxford, 1973) pp. 58–63.
H. Bosanquet, Social Conditions in Provincial Towns (1912) p. 18.
A. Morrison, A Child of the Jago, ed. P. J. Keating (1897, reprinted 1969) pp. 164–5.
T. A. B. Corley, Quaker Enterprise in Biscuits (1972) p. 304.
A. L. Bowley, ‘Earners and Dependents in English Towns in 1911’, Economica, I (1921) 101–12.
R. Boyson, The Ashworth Cotton Enterprise (1970) pp. 105–6.
E. Roberts, ‘Working-Class Standards of Living in Barrow and Lancaster, 1890–1914’, Economic History Review, XXX (1977) 306–21;
S. Rowntree, Poverty: A Study of Town Life (1901).
J. C. Stamp, British Incomes and Property (1916) p. 448.
A. L. Bowley, The Change in the Distribution of National Income, 1880–1913 (Oxford, 1920) p. 21.
B. Webb, My Apprenticeship (1926) pp. 20–2.
Earl of Birkenhead, F. E. Life of the First Lord Birkenhead (1933) p. 90.
Mrs C. S. Peel, Marriage on Small Means (1914).
T. R. Gourvish, ‘The Standard of Living, 1890–1914’ in A. O’Day (ed.), The Edwardian Age: Conflict and Stability (1979) pp. 23–4.
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© 1981 W. Hamish Fraser
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Fraser, W.H. (1981). Incomes. In: The Coming of the Mass Market, 1850–1914. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-16685-5_2
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