Abstract
Whichever way one wishes to measure Communist power and influence in Western Europe (by votes, party membership figures or party control of non-governmental institutions) one cannot avoid the conclusion that Communism is still a minority phenomenon. Taken overall, West Europeans remain a non-Communist—even an anti-Communist—people.
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Notes
George Urban, ‘A Conversation With Altiero Spinelli-Eurocommunism, Again’, Encounter, January, 1978, p. 8. In this interview Spinelli also explains that he was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1976 after the PCI asked him to run as an independent with their support.
Eusebio Mujal-Leon, in his paper for this study, suggests that the figure for PCE membership in 1977 was closer to 200,000. A U.S. Congressional study suggests 100,000 as a ‘judicious’ estimate; see Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division, Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, A Report on West European Communist Parties, submitted by Senator Edward W. Brooke to the Committee on Appropriations, United States Senate, June, 1977 (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1977) (hereafter cited as ‘Brooke study’), p. 121.
Neil McInnes The Communist Parties of Western Europe (London: Oxford University Press, 1975), p. 37. McInnes provides us with an intriguing and detailed analysis of PCF ‘fluctuations’ in membership in the period leading to 1974: pp. 36–7.
For a 1966 survey see Annie Kriegel, The French Communists: Profile of a People (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972), pp. 70–1. Also listed in McInnes, op. cit., p. 63.
Michelle Perrot and Annie Kriegel, Le Socialisme Français et le Pouvoir (Paris: Etudes et Documentation Internationale, 1966), pp. 207–8. Cited in McInnes, op. cit., p. 67.
Enrico Berlinguer, ‘Por un Governo si Svolta Democratica,’ Rome, 1972, p. 73, cited in Neil McInnes, op. cit., p. 52.
Guy Hermet, Los Comunistas en España (Paris: Ruedo Iberico, 1972), p. 40.
See Santiago Carrillo, ‘Eurocommunism’ and the State (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1977), pp. 27–33.
See, particularly, David E. Butler and Donald E. Stokes, Political Change in Britain (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1974).
The twenty-one conditions for formal admission to the Communist International laid down in 1929 specifically stated (Condition 9) that parties were obligated to work in this fashion in non-Communist organizations. The ‘noyaux’ were to be completely subservient to the directives of the Party. For the twenty-one conditions see Helmut Gruber, International Communism in the Era of Lenin-A Documentary History (Garden City, New York: Anchor Books, 1972), pp. 241–6.
One of the few attempts to assess Communist Party strategy and power in front organizations can be found in a French best seller, Jean Montaldo’s La France Communiste (Paris: Albin Michel, 1978).
Most observers believe that shortly after the Second World War, the major trade union centres in France and Italy fell under the control of Communist Parties subservient to Moscow. Some writers now differ on the extent of present Communist Party control of the CGT and the CGIL. See Andre Barjonet, La CGT (Paris: Seuil, 1968); the article by Gerard Adam, ‘Elements D’Analyse Sur les Liens Entre Le PCF et la CGT,’ Revue Francaise de Science Politique, Juin, 1968, pp. 524–39; the debate between Gerard Adam and Jean Ranger, ‘Les Liens Entre le PCF et la CGT—Elements D’Un Debat’, Revenue Francaise de Science Politique, Fevrier, 1969, pp. 182–7; and Jean-Daniel Reynaud, ‘Trade Unions and Political Parties in France: Some Recent Trends’, Industrial Relations Review, January, 1975, pp. 208–26. Walter Kendall in The Labor Movement in Europe (London: Allen Lane, 1975), argues that the CGT and CGIL are still controlled by the French and Italian Communist parties; and the French journals Les Etudes Sociales et Syndicales and Est et Ouest provide detailed information to indicate that the CGT and CGIL are still controlled by Communist parties that remain basically loyal to Moscow. For an example of a commentator who believes that the CGIL is no longer an instrument of the Italian Communist party, see Peter R. Weitz, ‘Labour and Politics in a Divided Movement’, Industrial and Labor Relations Review, January, 1975, pp. 226–43.
Most observers believe that shortly after the Second World War, the major trade union centres in France and Italy fell under the control of Communist Parties subservient to Moscow. Some writers now differ on the extent of present Communist Party control of the CGT and the CGIL. See Andre Barjonet, La CGT (Paris: Seuil, 1968); the article by Gerard Adam, ‘Elements D’Analyse Sur les Liens Entre Le PCF et la CGT,’ Revue Francaise de Science Politique, Juin, 1968, pp. 524–39; the debate between Gerard Adam and Jean Ranger, ‘Les Liens Entre le PCF et la CGT—Elements D’Un Debat’, Revenue Francaise de Science Politique, Fevrier, 1969, pp. 182–7; and Jean-Daniel Reynaud, ‘Trade Unions and Political Parties in France: Some Recent Trends’, Industrial Relations Review, January, 1975, pp. 208–26. Walter Kendall in The Labor Movement in Europe (London: Allen Lane, 1975), argues that the CGT and CGIL are still controlled by the French and Italian Communist parties; and the French journals Les Etudes Sociales et Syndicales and Est et Ouest provide detailed information to indicate that the CGT and CGIL are still controlled by Communist parties that remain basically loyal to Moscow. For an example of a commentator who believes that the CGIL is no longer an instrument of the Italian Communist party, see Peter R. Weitz, ‘Labour and Politics in a Divided Movement’, Industrial and Labor Relations Review, January, 1975, pp. 226–43.
Most observers believe that shortly after the Second World War, the major trade union centres in France and Italy fell under the control of Communist Parties subservient to Moscow. Some writers now differ on the extent of present Communist Party control of the CGT and the CGIL. See Andre Barjonet, La CGT (Paris: Seuil, 1968); the article by Gerard Adam, ‘Elements D’Analyse Sur les Liens Entre Le PCF et la CGT,’ Revue Francaise de Science Politique, Juin, 1968, pp. 524–39; the debate between Gerard Adam and Jean Ranger, ‘Les Liens Entre le PCF et la CGT—Elements D’Un Debat’, Revenue Francaise de Science Politique, Fevrier, 1969, pp. 182–7; and Jean-Daniel Reynaud, ‘Trade Unions and Political Parties in France: Some Recent Trends’, Industrial Relations Review, January, 1975, pp. 208–26. Walter Kendall in The Labor Movement in Europe (London: Allen Lane, 1975), argues that the CGT and CGIL are still controlled by the French and Italian Communist parties; and the French journals Les Etudes Sociales et Syndicales and Est et Ouest provide detailed information to indicate that the CGT and CGIL are still controlled by Communist parties that remain basically loyal to Moscow. For an example of a commentator who believes that the CGIL is no longer an instrument of the Italian Communist party, see Peter R. Weitz, ‘Labour and Politics in a Divided Movement’, Industrial and Labor Relations Review, January, 1975, pp. 226–43.
Most observers believe that shortly after the Second World War, the major trade union centres in France and Italy fell under the control of Communist Parties subservient to Moscow. Some writers now differ on the extent of present Communist Party control of the CGT and the CGIL. See Andre Barjonet, La CGT (Paris: Seuil, 1968); the article by Gerard Adam, ‘Elements D’Analyse Sur les Liens Entre Le PCF et la CGT,’ Revue Francaise de Science Politique, Juin, 1968, pp. 524–39; the debate between Gerard Adam and Jean Ranger, ‘Les Liens Entre le PCF et la CGT—Elements D’Un Debat’, Revenue Francaise de Science Politique, Fevrier, 1969, pp. 182–7; and Jean-Daniel Reynaud, ‘Trade Unions and Political Parties in France: Some Recent Trends’, Industrial Relations Review, January, 1975, pp. 208–26. Walter Kendall in The Labor Movement in Europe (London: Allen Lane, 1975), argues that the CGT and CGIL are still controlled by the French and Italian Communist parties; and the French journals Les Etudes Sociales et Syndicales and Est et Ouest provide detailed information to indicate that the CGT and CGIL are still controlled by Communist parties that remain basically loyal to Moscow. For an example of a commentator who believes that the CGIL is no longer an instrument of the Italian Communist party, see Peter R. Weitz, ‘Labour and Politics in a Divided Movement’, Industrial and Labor Relations Review, January, 1975, pp. 226–43.
Most observers believe that shortly after the Second World War, the major trade union centres in France and Italy fell under the control of Communist Parties subservient to Moscow. Some writers now differ on the extent of present Communist Party control of the CGT and the CGIL. See Andre Barjonet, La CGT (Paris: Seuil, 1968); the article by Gerard Adam, ‘Elements D’Analyse Sur les Liens Entre Le PCF et la CGT,’ Revue Francaise de Science Politique, Juin, 1968, pp. 524–39; the debate between Gerard Adam and Jean Ranger, ‘Les Liens Entre le PCF et la CGT—Elements D’Un Debat’, Revenue Francaise de Science Politique, Fevrier, 1969, pp. 182–7; and Jean-Daniel Reynaud, ‘Trade Unions and Political Parties in France: Some Recent Trends’, Industrial Relations Review, January, 1975, pp. 208–26. Walter Kendall in The Labor Movement in Europe (London: Allen Lane, 1975), argues that the CGT and CGIL are still controlled by the French and Italian Communist parties; and the French journals Les Etudes Sociales et Syndicales and Est et Ouest provide detailed information to indicate that the CGT and CGIL are still controlled by Communist parties that remain basically loyal to Moscow. For an example of a commentator who believes that the CGIL is no longer an instrument of the Italian Communist party, see Peter R. Weitz, ‘Labour and Politics in a Divided Movement’, Industrial and Labor Relations Review, January, 1975, pp. 226–43.
Jean Montaldo, Les Finances du PCF (Paris: Albin Michel, 1977).
Michael A. Ledeen, Italy in Crisis, The Washington Papers, Vol. 5, No. 43 (Beverly Hills, California: Sage Publications, 1977). See also Michael Ledeen and Claire Sterling, ‘Italy’s Russian Sugar Daddies’, New Republic, February 12, 1976. Unfortunately these accounts do not provide specific evidence to substantiate the contention.
Michael A. Ledeen, Italy in Crisis, The Washington Papers, Vol. 5, No. 43 (Beverly Hills, California: Sage Publications, 1977). See also Michael Ledeen and Claire Sterling, ‘Italy’s Russian Sugar Daddies’, New Republic, February 12, 1976. Unfortunately these accounts do not provide specific evidence to substantiate the contention.
Communist union leaders almost never discuss fraternal financial assistance publicly, but Cipriana Garcia, one of the leaders of the Workers’ Commissions, for example, thanked ‘the peoples of Europe and of the World for their solidarity in this crucial hour of our history. The Workers’ Commissions express their appreciation to the WFTU for its efforts in support of the extension of this international assistance to our people in their battle to conquer their legitimate rights and their freedom’. Pedro Rubio and Venko Kraitchev, ‘Interview With Cipriano Garcia’, World Trade Union Movement, May, 1976, p. 21.
Cited in Stephen Haseler, The Death of British Democracy (London: Elek Books, 1976), p. 125.
John F. Kennedy, Public Papers of the President, 1961–1963 (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1962, 1963, 1964), p. 334 ff.; cited in Richard J. Walton, Cold War and Counter-revolution: The Foreign Policy of John F. Kennedy (New York: Viking Press, 1972), p. 55.
John F. Kennedy, Public Papers of the President, 1961–1963 (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1962, 1963, 1964), p. 334 ff.; cited in Richard J. Walton, Cold War and Counter-revolution: The Foreign Policy of John F. Kennedy (New York: Viking Press, 1972), p. 55.
Walter Laqueur, ‘The Specter of Finlandization’, Commentary, New York, December, 1977. See also, Adam M. Garfinkle, ‘“Finlandization”: A Map to a Metaphor’ (Foreign Policy Research Institute: Philadelphia, 1978).
Michel Crozier, in Michel J. Crozier, Samuel P. Huntington, and Joji Watanuki, The Crisis of Democracy (New York: New York University Press, 1975) p. 11.
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Godson, R., Haseler, S. (1978). The Strength of Communist Parties in Western Europe. In: ‘Eurocommunism’. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15934-5_2
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