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Wage Relationships —The Comparative Impact of Market and Power Forces

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The Theory of Wage Determination

Part of the book series: International Economic Association Series ((IEA))

Abstract

One modern version of Adam Smith’s famous observation (Book I, Chapter 8) might read: ‘Workmen are always in constant and uniform combination to raise the wages of labour above their actual rate’. Now this version would not be so true as Smith’s about ‘masters’ (as Smith himself noted), for their combination is less the ‘natural state of things’. Workers, being more numerous and diverse, have less of a community of interest than masters and a greater need for formal bonds. These formal bonds, over the past century, have been supplied by labour unions in many trades and industries in those industrialized nations which are organized into pluralistic systems, and a major purpose of most of these unions has been to modify ‘market forces’ by group decisions and organized power in setting wages.

Melvin K. Bers, Graduate Research Economist, Institute of Industrial Relations, University of California (Berkeley), was helpful in the development of this paper.

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Notes

  1. See, for example, A. M. Ross, Trade Union Wage Policy (1948), p. 48.

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  6. Lester divides the forces at work into ‘Competitive’, ‘impeditive’, and ‘anticompetitive’. The first category includes competitive drives among companies but also among unions. The second includes the standard ‘frictions’ of lack of knowledge, personal attachments, and so forth. The third includes a miscellany of practices such as pattern following by an employer and restriction of entrance to the trade by the union. R. A. Lester, ‘A Range Theory of Wage Differentials’, Industrial and Labor Relations Review (July 1952).

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  43. Slichter considers this not yet fully proved. (S. H. Slichter, ‘Do the Wage-Fixing Arrangements in the American Labor Market have an Inflationary Bias?’ American Economic Review, May 1954.)

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  47. For a contrary view to that of Dunlop (and Garbarino) that a relationship exists between productivity differentials and interindustry wage differentials see F. Myers and R. L. Bowlby, ‘The Interindustry Wage Structure and Productivity’, Industrial and Labor Relations Review (October 1953). Myers and Bowlby conclude that while such a relationship existed at one time, it has not in more recent periods. (See also reply by Garbarino and rejoinder by Myers and Bowlby in the same journal, June 1954.) See also Slichter, ‘Wage-fixing Arrangements’.

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  50. It should be noted, however, that wages in the construction and bituminous coal industries, once well organized, fell unusually far during the Great Depression in the United States. (See Leo Wolman, ‘Wages in the United States since 1914’, Proceedings, Industrial Relations Research Association, 1953.) The basic forces at work over the course of the cycle are probably what is happening to employment but particularly to prices from one industry to another, with very little reference to unionism. (See Dunlop, Wage Determination Under Trade Unions, chap. 7.)

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  51. S. P. Sobotka, ‘Union Influences on Wages: The Construction Industry’, Journal of Political Economy (April 1953). The construction industry in the United States, however, may be a special case. It stands somewhat higher in interindustry wage rankings than in several other industrialized countries on which information is available. (See ‘Changes in the Structure of Wages in European Countries’.)

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  52. As skills become more diversified with the progressive division of labour, particularly at the semi-skilled level, comparisons become increasingly difficult to make. See R. L. Raimon, ‘The Indeterminativeness of Wages of Semi-skilled Workers’, Industrial and Labor Relations Review (January 1953).

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  53. H. M. Douty, ‘Union Impact on Wage Structures’, Proceedings, Industrial Relations Research Association (1953). Bronfenbrenner notes: ‘Robert E. Strain, ‘Occupational Wage Differences: Determinants and Recent Trends ‘, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Wisconsin, 1953. Strain finds that skill differentials have narrowed as rapidly and to approximately the same extent in industries organized on a craft basis, or largely unorganized, as in industries where industrial or ‘mass unionism” has been important.’

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  54. (M. Bronfenbrenner, ‘The Incidence of Collective Bargaining’, American Economic Review, May 1954.)

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  57. This is not to suggest that political forces, like rival unionism, may not be of pre-eminent importance in individual situations. For an interesting discussion of such ‘orbits of coercive comparison’ see A. M. Ross, ‘The Dynamics of Wage Determination Under Collective Bargaining’, American Economic Review (September 1947).

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  58. A. Bergson, The Structure of Soviet Wages (1946). Bendix also notes a widening of skill differentials in the Russian zone of Germany with the Russian emphasis on industrial expansion there after the second World War.

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  59. See R. Bendix, Managerial Ideologies in the Russian Orbit of Germany, unpublished MS. (1953). Skill differentials are rather greater in the United States than one would normally expect for a country at its stage of development. Large-scale immigration undoubtedly held down the level for unskilled workers for a substantial time and the differentials are particularly wide in the South which is industrially underdeveloped.

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  60. See Fisher, ‘Education and Relative Wage Rates’, and Clark, Conditions of Economic Progress. See also comment of Tinbergen on relation of educational opportunities to skill differentials. (J. Tinbergen, ‘Some Remarks on the Distribution of Labour Incomes’, International Economic Papers. 1951.)

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  61. For a discussion of the narrowing of the white-collar manual worker differential over the past century in the United States see K. M. McCaffree, ‘The Earnings Differential between White Collar and Manual Occupations’, Review of Economics and Statistics (February 1953). This differential has narrowed more rapidly in the United States than in some other countries, like Germany, where a ‘closed education’ system based on class lines has protected white-collar employees just as the ‘closed shop’ has craft workers in the United States.

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  62. See A. Flanders, ‘Wages Policy and Full Employment in Britain’, Bulletin of the Oxford University Institute of Statistics (July and August 1950). See also comment in Lester, ‘A Range Theory of Wage Differentials’. It is sometimes argued that skilled workers must be in relatively shorter supply than unskilled workers because the unskilled in a depression make up a disproportionate number of the unemployed. But this can be explained by a general pushing down of workers and those on the bottom, the unskilled, go out.

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  64. Deneffe, ‘The Wage Structure of the Federal Republic’, Wirtschaft und Statistik (July 1953) — for example, the high rates of cleaning-women in the coal mines. Similarly a big and high wage industry (like automobiles in Detroit or shipbuilding in Hamburg) may pull up low-wage industries in its area, and vice versa.

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  66. See also discussion in E. Preiser, ‘Property and Power in the Theory of Distribution’, International Economic Papers (1952).

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John T. Dunlop

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© 1957 International Economic Association

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Kerr, C. (1957). Wage Relationships —The Comparative Impact of Market and Power Forces. In: Dunlop, J.T. (eds) The Theory of Wage Determination. International Economic Association Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15205-6_12

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