Abstract
British society and British politics often have been discussed in terms of homogeneity and integration. Authors have written about the absence of significant social cleavages other than social class and about the presence of a uniform set of political and social values. Consensus also has been argued to exist on the nature of the political system and about the general policies of government. The impression commonly given is one of homogeneity, stability, and indeed of a rather boring locale in which to study politics. The impression of stability was reinforced by the ability of one political leader—Margaret Thatcher—to remain in power for over a decade and for her party to win the subsequent general election. In reality, the social and political systems of the United Kingdom are substantially more diverse than they are frequently portrayed, and many of the factors that divide other democracies politically also divide the citizens of the United Kingdom. There are differences in religion, language, regions, and perceptions of issues that both mitigate and reinforce the traditionally dominant class divisions in British politics. Those divisive factors have become even more important as immigration, Europeanization, and economic change have tended to generate ever greater social divisions.
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Notes
See, for example, Richard Rose, The Territorial Dimension of Government: Understanding the United Kingdom (Chatham, N.J.: Chatham House, 1982).
In some ways the referendum was designed to fail. It required that there be a majority of all eligible voters, not just those actually voting, in order to pass.
“A Knock at Number Ten,” The Economist, 4 February 1995.
“Peace Comes Dropping Slow,” The Economist, 18 March 1995.
For example, the Scottish Grand Committee deals with the second reading of all Scottish bills. It is composed of all 71 Scottish MPs along with enough other members to preserve the partisan balance found in the entire House. There is a similar structure for Welsh legislation.
This acceptance of devolution is in part because these parties, and especially the Labour Party, would expect to do well in elections for a Scottish or Welsh assembly, thus giving them another power base in UK politics.
Richard Rose, “England: A Traditionally Modern Political Culture,” in Political Culture and Political Development, ed. Lucian Pye and Sidney Verba (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965).
Dennis Kavanagh, “The Deferential English: A Comparative Critique,” Government and Opposition 6 (1971): 333–60.
The numerous ministers who resigned during the Major government over sex or financial scandals have deflated the notion of a natural ruling class rather thoroughly in the eyes of many, if not most, citizens.
This evidence goes back to Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963), 142–43.
L.S. Amery, Thoughts on the Constitution (London: Oxford University Press, 1947), 20.
See Geraint Parry, George Moser, and Neil Day, Political Participation and Democracy in Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
These include disinformation about the sinking of the General Belgrano during the Falklands War and suspect dealings about the purchase of helicopters from the Westland Corporation. See Magnus Linklater and David Leigh, Not with Honour (London: Sphere, 1986).
Kieron Walsh, Public Services and Market Mechanisms: Competition, Contracting and the New Public Management (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1995).
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© 1998 Macmillan Publishers Limited
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Hancock, M.D., Conradt, D.P., Peters, B.G., Safran, W., Zariski, R. (1998). The Context of British Politics. In: Politics in Western Europe. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14555-3_1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14555-3_1
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