Internal Dynamism and the Consequences of the Single European Act

  • Holly Wyatt-Walter
Part of the St Antony’s Series book series

Abstract

The Single European Act (SEA) of February 1986 was the first major revision to the treaties establishing the European Communities. It was the culmination of attempts throughout the 1980s to initiate substantial EC reform. With the decision in Milan in June 1985 by member states to convene an intergovernmental conference, a negotiation process was launched which focused on completing the internal market by 1992. The European Commission was instrumental in preparing the five-year strategy to achieve that objective.1

Keywords

Migration Europe Tral Stake Omic 

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Notes

  1. 1.
    The evolution of the 1985 Intergovernmental Conference (IGC) which led to the signing of the SEA in Luxembourg on 17 February 1986 is discussed above, pp. 107–10. The text of the SEA is found in Treaties, 525–77.Google Scholar
  2. 2.
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  5. 5.
    Kirchner is more concerned with the impact of the SEA on European political cooperation than with specific sectors of spill-over and their institutional implications. He does not examine immigration policy or policing in security terms. However, he does consider the impact on common research, standardization, and industrial policy, and his general analysis frames the specific issues raised here. Emil J. Kirchner, ‘Has the Single European Act Opened the Door for a European Security Policy?’ Revue d’intégration européenne/Journal of European Integration, XIII, no. 1 (1989).Google Scholar
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    Furthermore, even if causal links between the SEA and pressures for greater defense collaboration could be proven, such collaboration would not necessarily indicate the creation of a unified European defence market or industrial base since much of the collaboration was with transatlantic partners. The causal relationships are further complicated by the fact that American defense firms, concerned about the dangers of Fortress Europe in the wake of the SEA, sought European collaborators in order to maintain access to European markets: ‘The irony is that the more governments give firms the freedom to shape industrial arrangements, the less European the internal market may become at an industrial level.’ (William Walker and Philip Gummett, Nationalism, Internationalism and the European Defence Market, Chaillot Paper no. 9, [Paris: WEU Institute for Security Studies, 1993], 38).Google Scholar
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    Atlantic News, 5 July 1989, no. 2137, see annexe for text of the communiqué. For an assessment of the IEPG structure and achievements see Carol Reed, ‘EUCLID: the Future of European Defence Technology’, Defence (June 1990).Google Scholar
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    It is important to note that there is no direct or necessary relationship between immigration, refugees, and criminal activity relating to policing and anti-terrorism. However, literature in the field demonstrates that these issue areas are often conflated in both public and private debate and that both internal security and border affairs were affected by the SEA. For a discussion of the perceived relationship between immigration, crime, and internal security, see Monica den Boer, Immigration, Internal Security and Policing in Europe, Working Paper VIII, Project Group European Police Co-operation, (Edinburgh: Department of Politics, February 1993); more generally on defining refugee movements as a security concern, see Gil Loescher, Refugee Movements and International Security, Adelphi Paper no. 268, (London: Brassey’s for IISS, 1992), 3–8.Google Scholar
  24. 40.
    The Pompidou Group, the Group of Coordinators, the Ad Hoc Group on Immigration and other networks of police cooperation designed to manage terrorism, crime, drug-smuggling and illegal immigration are part of the developing system of internal security cooperation. Space constraints preclude analysis here except where specific policy initiatives are of relevance. For more in-depth discussion of these groupings see Malcolm Anderson, Policing the World: Interpol and the Politics of International Police Co-operation (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989).Google Scholar
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    Schengen Implementation Agreement, Articles 134, 142, 140, respectively, as cited by Monica den Boer and Neil Walker, ‘European Policing After 1992’, Journal of Common Market Studies 31, no. 1 (1993): 5–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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    The creation of the Schengen system raises numerous issues relating to violations of privacy, democratic control, and human rights conventions. However, the focus here is on the political-institutional implications of Schengen. For important analysis of the legal dimensions see: David Freestone and David and Scott Davidson, ‘Community Competence and Part III of the Single European Act’, Common Market Law Review 23 (1986); Kay Hailbronner, ‘Perspectives of a Harmonization of the Law of Asylum after the Maastricht Summit,’ Common Market Law Review 29 (1992); H. Meijers et al., Schengen: Internationalisation of Central Chapters of the Law on Aliens, Refugees, Security and the Police (Utrecht: Kluwer Law and Taxation Publishers, 1991), 202; Patrick R. Ireland, ‘Facing the True “Fortress Europe”: Immigrant and Politics in the EC’, Journal of Common Market Studies XXIX, no. 5 (1991).Google Scholar
  29. 52.
    European Parliament, debates, 23 November 1989, OJ, annex no. 3–383, pp. 244–8; Bulletin, 22/11, 1989, p. 75.Google Scholar
  30. 54.
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  31. 60.
    Europe, 15 June 1990. For the text see annex to Meijers, 148–54.Google Scholar
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    See Adam Roberts, ‘Terrorism and International Order,’ in Freedman et al., Terrorism and International Order (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul for RIIA, 1986).Google Scholar
  33. 66.
    ‘Monitoring and controlling the flow of goods and services over national borders has formed an integral part of securing the nation. If the state can effectively regulate the entrance and exodus of persons at its borders, migration poses no threat to the nation-state; if it cannot, migration can represent a serious challenge to its sovereignty, even its security’. (Peter O’Brien, ‘German-Polish Migration: the Elusive Search for a German Nation-state,’ International Migration Review XXVI [1992]: 375).Google Scholar
  34. 67.
    Didier Bigo, The European Internal Security Field (Colchester: ECPR, 1992), cited by den Boer and Walker, 16.Google Scholar
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    Juliet Lodge, ‘Internal Security and Judicial Co-operation Beyond Maastricht’, Terrorism and Political Violence 4, no. 3 (1992): 4.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  36. 78.
    Keohane and Nye reach the same conclusion. Robert O. Keohane and Stanley Hoffmann, ‘Conclusions: Community Politics and Institutional Change’, in Wallace, Dynamics, 292.Google Scholar
  37. 80.
    On the correlation between the SEA and the activism of the Washington in pursuing better relations with the EC see Reinhardt Rummel, ‘Modernising Transatlantic Relations’, Washington Quarterly 12, no. 4 (1989); Robert Hormats, ‘Redefining Europe and the Atlantic Link’, Foreign Affairs 68, no. 4 (Fall 1988).Google Scholar
  38. 81.
    See Geoffrey Edwards and Elfriede Regelsberger, eds, Europe’s Global Links: the European Community and Inter-Regional Cooperation (London: Pinter, 1990).Google Scholar
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    ‘The Future of Europe’, Speech by George Bush at Boston University, 21 May 1989, Department of State Bulletin, vol. 89, no. 2148, July 1989, 18.Google Scholar
  40. 83.
    For an analysis of the Transatlantic Declaration by a senior EC Commission official see Horst G. Krenzler and Wolfram Kaiser, ‘The Transatlantic Declaration: a New Basis For Relations Between the EC and the USA’, Aussenpolitik, English edn, IV (1991).Google Scholar

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© Andrew Wyatt-Walter 1997

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  • Holly Wyatt-Walter

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