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Abstract

The United States entered the first phase of the cold war with a reputation that both friends and adversaries probably regarded with some degree of puzzlement. One aspect of American foreign policy in the past three decades must have given considerable encouragement to Joseph Stalin and excited great anxiety among all those who hoped to resist him and the totalitarian system he embodied. In 1919, after intervening in Europe militarily for the first time, the Americans had repudiated the commitment urged on them by President Wilson and retreated into their traditional isolation. In the following years, at a time when ‘the world depended on the United States’ they acted, in the harsh words of one historian, like ‘a nation of Tom Sawyers turning a shrewd nickel, thumbing noses at the effete lords of the universe, protected by their oceans and their canny know-how from the consequences of their sassiness.’1 The effects of this abdication of responsibility were felt long afterwards. To cite only one example, when the Czechoslovaks deliberated in the summer of 1947 on whether to accept Marshall Plan assistance, one member of the parliament asked his colleagues ‘Is it worthwhile to [undermine] the certainty of the Soviet-Czechoslovak alliance, which we need against Germany, for such an uncertainty as is a proposition by Mr. Marshall, made at some American university which, similar to Wilson’s League, may not even be approved by the Senate?’2

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Notes

  1. Laurence Lafore, The End of Glory: An Interpretation of the Origins of World War II (New York: Lippincott, 1970) pp. 40–1, 77.

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  3. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, Volume Two, Part III, chapters 22 and 24, Anchor Books edition (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1969) pp. 645–6, 657.

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  4. Dana Adams Schmidt, Anatomy of a Satellite (Boston: Little Brown, 1952) p. 100–1. Stalin’s strategy appears to have changed shortly after this point and the greatest victims of that change were the Czechoslovaks.

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  6. Richard Lukas, The Strange Allies: The United States and Poland, 1941–1945 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1978) p. 38.

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  7. Roosevelt told Stalin that he ‘personally agreed’ that the Polish-Soviet boundary ought to be moved westward but could not make a formal statement of this because of domestic political considerations, that is, the Polish vote in the 1944 election. Martin Herz, Beginnings of the Cold War (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1966) p. 52.

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Orme, J.D. (1992). The Pearl Harbor Reaction. In: Deterrence, Reputation and Cold-War Cycles. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12794-8_2

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