Abstract
The resentment British blockade practice had stirred up amongst American businessmen was not erased by the American entry into the war. The trouble came to a head before the Armistice, when the allied and associated powers were meeting in Paris to discuss the terms they should offer. In asking for an armistice, the German government had referred to the ‘Fourteen Points’ President Wilson had proposed as a basis for a negotiated peace, number two of which was ‘The Freedom of the Seas’. Wilson’s representative, Colonel House, insisted that the right of belligerents to intercept neutral trade must be given up for wars outside the auspices of the League of Nations, which was to be established. If this demand were not accepted, House warned that the United States would build a greater army and navy than Britain possessed. American distrust of British naval power was enhanced by the Anglo–Japanese alliance, and by the wartime Anglo–French Entente. House threatened that the United States would make a separate peace if Britain refused to give up its claim to belligerent rights, and President Wilson warned that Congress would ‘have no sympathy whatever with spending American lives for British naval control’.1
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Notes
See David F. Trask, Captains and Cabinets, pp. 309–58 passim; Seth P. Tillman, Anglo–American Relations at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, pp. 44–52; and Charles Seymour (ed.), The Intimate Papers of Colonel House, vol. iv, pp. 159–60; and D. Lloyd George, The Truth about the Peace Treaties, vol. ii, p. 81.
S. W. Roskill, Naval Policy Between the Wars, p. 81.
See Marian Kent, Oil & Empire, pp. 136–57.
Quoted in S. W. Roskill, op. cit., p. 307.
Quoted in H. W. V. Temperley, op. cit., I, p. 133. See M. G. Fry, ‘The imperial war cabinet, the United States, and the freedom of the seas’, Journal of the Royal United Service Institute, vol. 110 (1965), pp. 353–62.
Quoted in Harold and Margaret Sprout, Toward a New Order of Sea Power, p. 59.
Ibid.
See Gerald S. Graham, The Politics of Naval Supremacy, pp. 121–5.
Harold and Margaret Sprout, op. cit., pp. 59 to 117.
Ian MacGibbon, Blue-Water Rationale, The Naval Defence of New Zealand, 1914–1942, p. 90, Memo by Jellicoe, n.d. (forwarded by Parr to Coates on 18 Aug. 1927) NZ Archives, PM 111/17/1. ‘Their incessant demands for parity had more behind them than prestige, he (Jellicoe) hinted darkly to Coates. The Americans were probably determined to ensure no interference by the Royal Navy with their trade in a future conflict in which the United States remained neutral’, and see W. T. Mallison, op. cit., pp. 62–74.
Harold and Margaret Sprout, op. cit., pp. 186–212.
CAB 15/21 Committee of Imperial Defence; Standing Sub-Committee on the Co-ordination of Departmental Action on the Outbreak of War; Report of Sub-Committee on Trading, Blockade and Enemy Shipping, 30 May 1923; para. 11.
Ibid., para. 37.
Ibid. Appendix III, para. 13.
See CAB 21/319 Cecil E. Farrer, Department of Overseas Trade (Development and Intelligence) to Cmdr C. P. Hermon-Hodge, R.N., 20 May 1926.
Sir Edward Grey, Twenty-Five Years, 1892–1916, ii, p. 107.
S. W. Roskill, op. cit., p. 434.
Armin Rappaport, The Navy League of the United States, p. 113.
M. Vlahos, The Blue Sword: The Naval War College and the American Mission1919–1941. Newport, 1980, pp. 107–8.
MacGibbon, op. cit., Chapter 8, note 90 (New Zealand Archives, PM 111/17/1, Memo by Jellicoe, n.d. forwarded by Parr to Coates on 18 Aug. 1927).
CAB 21/307 Belligerent Rights at Sea and the Relations Between the United States and Great Britain, 16 and 26 October 1927.
CAB 21/307 Sub-Committee Report, 14 January 1928.
CAB 21/310, Stamfordham to Hankey, 17 Dec. 1927; Salsbury to Hankey, 1 Jan. 1928; and S. W. Roskill, op. cit., p. 550.
Barry D. Hunt, ‘British Policy on the Issue of Belligerent and Neutral Rights, 1919–1939’, in New Aspects of Naval History, Craig L. Symonds (ed.), pp. 279–90; and Sailor–Scholar, pp. 175–88. See CAB 21/310, Hankey’s draft dispatch to the US Government, 13 Feb. 1929, and CAB 21/328, Committee of Imperial Defence, Sub-Committee on Belligerent Rights at Sea, The Food Factor in Blockade’, Dec. 1929.
H. C. Hoover, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 342. See also ADM 116/2686, Esme Howard to Austen Chamberlain, 9 May 1929; and passim.
See CAB 21/352, ‘Memorandum respecting the Conversations Between the Prime Minister and President Hoover at Washington’, 4 to 10 Oct. 1929.
S. W. Roskill, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 48.
John F. Naylor, A Man and an Institution, Sir Maurice Hankey ..., pp. 173–7.
Malcolm D. Kennedy, The Estrangement of Great Britain and Japan, 1917–35, pp. 143–57.
S. W. Roskill, op. cit., Vol. 2, pp. 79 and 87. See CAB 21/352, Austin Chamberlain to Balfour, 10 May 1929, and CAB 21/328, Hankey to Sir Arthur Henderson, 21 Oct. 1930.
Admiral A. T. Mahan, The Influence of Sea Power upon History, p. 23. ‘The necessity of a navy ... springs ... from the existence of a peaceful shipping, and disappears with it’.
CAB 21/310, Richmond to? Hankey, undated, 10 pages. Imperial Defence and Capture at Sea in War, 1932, s.v. ‘Employment of Maritime Force in War’.
S. W. Roskill, op. cit., ii, p. 84.
Pp. 71–2.
Sir Julian S. Corbett, England in the Seven Years War: A Study in Combined Strategy, pp. 5–6; noted by Barry D. Hunt in ‘The Strategic Thought of Sir Julian S. Corbett’, John B. Hattendorf and Robert S. Jordan (eds), Maritime Strategy and the Balance of Power, p. 120.
S. W. Roskill, op. cit., ii, p. 291.
Barry D. Hunt, ‘Of Bits and Bridles: Sea Power and Arms Control Prior to World War IF, paper given to the conference on Naval Arms Limitations and Maritime Security, Halifax, N.S., June 1990.
W. N. Medlicott, op. cit., ii, p. 631.
Robert Greenhalgh Albion, op. cit., p. 214.
H. Duncan Hall, North American Supply, p. 3.
F.O. 837/5, J. M. Keynes to Sir Frederick Leith Ross, 10 October 1939.
CAB 21/1244, Henry Clay (?), Bank of England, to Francis Hemming, 14 February 1940, covering draft of ‘Pre-emptive Purchases and Exchange Resources’.
W. K. Hancock and M. M. Gowing, British War Economy, pp. 325–46. See also M. Kalecki, in Studies in War Economics, pp. 80–98; and J. R. T. Hughes, Review Article, ‘Financing the British War Effort’, of R. S. Sayers, Financial Policy, 1939–45, London, 1956; Journal of Economic History, XVIII, pp. 193–9, 1958.
H. Duncan Hall, North American Supply, pp. 239–42, 253ff.
Ibid., pp. 143ff.
W. F. Kimball, The Most Unsordid Act, Lend-Lease 1939–41, p. 237 et seq. See James W. Garner, ‘The United States “Neutrality” Law of 1937’, British Yearbook of International Law, 1938, p. 44; and Nils Orvik, op. cit., pp. 195–215.
See Mark A. Stoler, ‘The American Perception of British Mediterranean Strategy, 1941–45’, in Craig L. Symonds, New Aspects of Naval History, pp. 325–39; and Christopher Thorne, Allies of a Kind, pp. 408–18, and 450–5.
Robert Greenhalgh Albion, op. cit., pp. 280–96.
Philip Pugh, The Cost of Seapower, pp. 9–20.
H. Duncan Hall, North American Supply, pp. 489–92.
Richard N. Gardner, Sterling–Dollar Diplomacy, pp. 178–254.
W. K. Hancock and M. M. Gowing, op. cit., pp. 501ff and 546ff.
Alan S. Milward, op. cit., s.v., ‘War and Policy’, and The Economics of Occupation’; and W. N. Medlicott, op. cit., ii, pp. 641–6.
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© 1991 John Nicholas Tracy
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Tracy, N. (1991). The Belligerents’ Rights Dispute and the ‘New Mercantilism’. In: Attack on Maritime Trade. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12303-2_4
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