Abstract
Arms control is enveloped in geopolitics, and geopolitics is not superseded or abrogated by the terrors, or the contradictions, of nuclear weapons. The prospective achievement, or even the putative achievement, of strategic defence by one or both of the superpowers has large implications for the shape of the international system. Certainly the consequences for China would not be constructive. A working strategic defence, primarily by the Soviet Union, would degrade China’s emerging nuclear deterrent; and, secondarily by the United States, would tend to abstract the United States from a role in East Asia that would otherwise be, on balance, helpful to China. (We must also remember, however, that the first American effort at strategic defence, in 1967, was a ‘thin’ antiballistic missile programme dubbed as an ‘anti-Chinese’ device.)
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Notes
Colin S. Gray and Keith Payne, ‘Victory is Possible’, Foreign Policy, Summer 1980.
See also Colin S. Gray, ‘Presidential Directive 1959: Flawed But Useful’, Parameters, March 1981.
Richard L. Garwin, ‘Enforcing BMD Against a Determined Adversary?’, in Bhupendra Jasani (ed.), Space Weapons and International Security (Oxford, 1987)
Richard L. Garwin, ‘The Soviet Response: New Missiles and Countermeasures’, in John Tirman (ed.), Empty Promise: The Growing Case Against Star Wars (Boston, 1986)
Richard L. Garwin, ‘Defensive and Offensive Weapons in Space and Civilian Space Technologies’, in Carlo Schaerf, Brian Holden Reid and David Carlton (eds), New Technologies and the Arms Race (London, 1989).
The label is that of A. Kaplan, System and Process in International Politics (New York, 1957).
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© 1991 International School on Disarmament and Research on Conflicts
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Ravenal, E.C. (1991). The Geopolitics of Strategic Defence. In: Carlton, D., Schaerf, C. (eds) The Arms Race in an Era of Negotiations. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11967-7_3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11967-7_3
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