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Abstract

On one side of the horizon which medieval common people looked out on from their ‘island of time’1 was the line at which history blends into myth; on the other was the line at which hope or fear hardens into prophecy. The reality of a visionary future to the medieval mind is perhaps most clearly evident in the enormous influence exercised by the strain of apocalyptic thought that runs through the Middle Ages. The most famous prophecy, founded on Augustine’s opinion that the millennium was the first thousand years of the Christian era, was that the world would end in the year 1000. But there is hardly a time throughout the medieval period when one apocalyptic date or another was not being enthusiastically advanced. As the story of medieval millennialism has been so well chronicled elsewhere there is no need to retrace the full story here.2 All that need be noted is the near universality with which medieval people accepted the notion that the date of the Apocalypse could be predicted. In our own time those who claim to know when the world will end are assumed by most of us to be of less than sound mind. But in the Middle Ages millennialism was always a part of the intellectual mainstream.3 As Keith Thomas has detailed, a strain of millennarian thought lingered on through most of the seventeenth century. But by the end of that century ‘even the Quakers had come to regard prophecy as distinctly odd’,4 and by the eighteenth century ‘the majority of educated men concurred in dismissing [the claims of would-be prophets] a priori as inherently ridiculous’.5

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Notes and References

  1. See in particular, Cohn, N. The Pursuit of the Millennium, 2nd edn (Oxford University Press, 1970).

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  2. Among their ranks were included many of the leading Protestant thinkers, including both Martin Luther and John Calvin (see Toumlin, S. and Goodfield, J., The Discovery of Time (University of California Press, 1977) p. 76).

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  3. Liudprand of Cremona, Works, Wright, F. A. (ed.) (London: Routledge, 1930 ) p. 177.

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  4. Ibid., p. 240. Despite the fact that his primary focus is on the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Thomas’s book provides a most comprehensive treatment of these practices, almost all of which he traces back to their medieval roots. For parallels in other primitive societies see Evans-Pritchard, Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic Among the Azande pp. 231–5; Axtell, J., The Indian Peoples of Eastern America (Oxford University Press, 1981) pp. 52–3; Hallpike, The Foundations of Primitive Thought pp. 415–20.

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  5. Rowse, A. L., The Case Books of Simon Forman (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1974; Picador, 1976 ) p. 99.

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  6. James, Louis, ‘Review of B. Capp’s Astrology and the Popular Press’, Review of English Studies, no. 129, February 1982, p. 208.

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  7. Henninger, S. K., A Handbook of Renaissance Meteorology (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1960) p. 217.

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  8. Matthew Paris, ‘Greater Chronicle’ in English Historical Documents, vol 3, (ed.) Rothwell, H. (London: Eyre Methuen, 1975) p. 810.

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  9. Lydgate, John Troy Book (London: Early English Text Society, 1960) p. 60.

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  10. For a discussion of the lack of numbers in pre-thirteenth-century medieval texts see Murray, Reason and Society in the Middle Ages pp. 175ff. It becomes much more common in the later medieval period to mention numbers, but even in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries many writers were much less sensitive to the importance of relative numbers than we are. Before King Arthur’s last battle, for example, Malory tells us that he faces ‘a grymme oste of an hondred thousand’, but tells us nothing of the size of Arthur’s force (Vinaver, E. (ed.) Malory: Works, 2nd edn, (Oxford University Press, 1970) p. 712.)

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  11. Mbiti, John, as quoted in Doob, L. W., The Patterning of Time (Yale University Press, 1971) p. 75. As Mbiti explains elsewhere, ‘since what is in the future has not been experienced, it does not make sense’; it cannot, therefore, constitute part of time, and people do not know how to think about it — unless of course, it is something which falls within the rhythm of natural phenomena

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  12. Mbiti, J., African Religions and Philosophy (New York: Praeger Books, 1969) p. 17). However, Mbiti notes that in recent decades, with increasing levels of development and education, ‘African peoples are discovering the future dimension of time’ (p. 217).

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  13. Mbiti, J., Akamba Stories (Oxford University Press, 1966) p. 17.

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  16. Malinowski, B., Argonauts of the Western Pacific (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1922) p. 417.

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  17. Bailey, A. G., The Conflict of European and Eastern Algonkian Cultures 1504–1700, 2nd edn (University of Toronto Press, 1969) p. 140. See also Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacific p. 423.

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  18. Fraisse, P. The Psychology of Time (New York: Greenwood Press, 1963) p. 176. See also Williamson, The Boothia Peninsula People pp. 203–4: ‘It is common for whites to demand future-planning of Eskimos, but our survey undertaken in Spence Bay in the spring of 1976 once again demonstrated a low level of futurity in thinking for the majority of the population.’ Similar ways of thought seem to have prevailed as well among the common people of ancient Greece: ’Nilostratos… observes that chance governs everything, and forethought is a waste of time’

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  19. Dover, K., Greek Popular Morality (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1974) p. 141).

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© 1989 Don LePan

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LePan, D. (1989). Thinking into the Future. In: The Cognitive Revolution in Western Culture. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09988-7_7

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