Abstract
The 1973 programme of the Labour Party was at least the most radical it had produced since 1945 and perhaps the most radical of its entire history. The re-emergence of radicalism and the rise to prominence and influence of the left in the party which stimulated and produced this programmatic shift occurred largely as a consequence of the failure of the previous six years in government and the defeat of 1970. It reflected also the high level of relative deprivation accompanied by a lingering optimism. The failure to get the programme implemented during the 1974–79 governments convinced the left that only far-reaching changes in the structure of the party and in the process of policy formulation would allow them to realise their aims and this led to the intense divisions concerning the party constitution and to the ultimate split and defection of the Social Democrats. The disastrous defeat of 1979 again aided the left in its assault upon the constitution since responsibility for it was widely believed to lie with the now discredited old guard led by James Callaghan and Dennis Healey.
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Notes and References
Minkin and Seyd (1977), p. 121.
For the figures on unemployment, wages, prices and party membership see Butler and Sloman (1980).
Seyd and Minkin (1979).
LPCR 1970. pp. 167–69 and 180. Debate, pp. 172–80; LPCR 1970, pp. 41–44.
Benn (1970).
LPCR 1972, pp. 178–81 and 193.
LPCR 1971, pp. 235–43, 251, 170–76, and 187.
LPCR 1973, p. 47.
For a detailed theoretical discussion of the thinking underlying this programme, see Holland (1975). For an interpretation based upon the assumption of the failure of Keynesianism see Guttman (1976) and Jessop (1978).
Clark et al (1980), p. 89.
TUC Report, 1974, p. 530. Text, pp. 292–330. Debate, pp. 521–30.
Hatfield (1978), p. 82, who reports that Judith Hart made this claim personally to him after the issue had been resolved.
Hatfield (1978), p. 193–98.
LPCR 1973, pp. 170–73.
Let Us Work Together: Labour’s Way Out of the Crisis.
On the internal divisions on this question see Pollard (1979).
Coates (1980), p.91.
Whiteley (1983), p. 151.
Coates (1980).
Coates (1980), p. 150–54.
Coates (1980), p. 154. et seq.
Sandford (1979), pp. 113–14
Pinto-Duschinski (1980), p. 209.
Hodgson (1981), p. 98.
This point has been made by Forester (1979), p. 83.
LPCR 1975, pp. 217–29 and 313–15.
Tarling and Wilkinson (1977). See also Economic Trends, 1980.
Original emphasis.
LPCR 1976, pp. 308–10 and 316.
TUC Report, 1976, pp. 416–24.
Currie (1979), pp. 278–79.
Elliott (1978), pp. 243–45.
Panitch (1979).
Panitch (1979), p. 59. This line of analysis has been developed by Panitch in a number of other places. Panitch (1971, 1975).
See, for example, Michael Meacher’s comments in Prior (1980), p. 10.
Bish (1979), who was Secretary of the Research Department at the time. He produced the NEC’s draft version and was closely involved in all the discussions.
Butler and Kavanagh (1980).
Whiteley (1983), p. 129. Cf. Coates (1980), p. 238.
Butler and Kavanagh (1980), p. 148–50.
Bish (1979), p. 202.
Kogan and Kogan (1982), p. 23 and passim for the constitutional struggle in general and for the tactics and activities of the Campaign for Labour Party Democracy in particular. For a basic account of the formation of the SDP, see Zentner (1982). For a perceptive analysis see Tracy (1983).
Drucker (1981), p.377.
Whiteley (1982), and (1983), Chapter 3.
Drucker (1982).
Whiteley (1983), Chapter 3.
Crewe et al (1977); Crewe (1982); Kavanagh (1982).
Figures from Coates (1979), pp. 30–31.
Statements to Conference, Labour Party, 1986.
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© 1989 Malcolm B. Hamilton
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Hamilton, M.B. (1989). The Re-emergence of Radicalism 1970–80. In: Democratic Socialism in Britain and Sweden. University of Reading European and International Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09234-5_7
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