Abstract
Drawing upon the notion of the vita activa and rejecting the contemplative tradition of the cloister, confraternities organized the pursuit of salvation through the practise of good works. Pre-eminent among the good works were those of mercy, and it is my contention in this chapter that in observing merciful works as devotional exercises, confraternities created one of the first ‘institutions’ of social welfare in western history. To understand how private gestures of charity, today only a minor and ephemeral part of the welfare process, could have formed the core of traditional poor relief requires that we enter the spiritual consciousness of the past. We must in the first analysis recognize the powerful stimulus provided by the Christian faith to charitable giving.
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Notes and References
Pierre Chaunu, Le Temps des deux réformes de l’Eglise (Paris: Fayard, 1975) p. 172. Gabriel Le Bras has said that late medieval confraternities were oriented less toward the practise of the sacraments and more toward the liturgy and acts of mercy and piety. Introduction à l’histoire de la pratique religieuse en France (Paris, 1942–45) vol. 1.
The duties of almsgiving were by no means a peculiarly Christian phenomenon. All major world religions have shared a similar evaluation of charity, including the idea that charity propitiates the gods. Edward Westermarck, The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas (London, 1906), chapter 23 on ‘Charity and Generosity’.
For a discussion of the attitudes of the early church fathers to charity, see Boniface Ramsey, O.P., ‘Almsgiving in the Latin Church: The Late Fourth and Early Fifth centuries’, Theological Studies, XLIII, 2, (June 1982) 226–59.
Monumenta Germaniae Historica, ed. George Pertz, (1835) Legum, tomus 1, Karoli Magni capitularia. 802. ‘Admonitio Generalis’, lines 16–29.
Michel Mollat, Les Pauvres au Moyen Âge: étude sociale (Paris, 1978) pp. 112–13.
Juan Ruiz, Arciprestede Hita, Libro de buen amor (Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1974) pp. 257–63.
[‘Hope and faith you will lose when before God you stand, wait and see with great generosity offer acts of charity that your will be pure The greatness of charity is that it fulfills all needs and he who receives it not shall pass Heaven by.] Pedro de Verague, Doctrina de la discreciĂ³n in Florencio Janer (ed.), Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles (Madrid: 1864) LVII, pp. 373–8.
Victor Turner, Dramas, Fields and Metaphors (Cornell, 1974) p. 249.
Fundamental studies of the history of hospitals in Spain are: FermĂn HernĂ¡ndez Iglesias, La beneficencia en España (Madrid, 1876);
Antonio Rumeu de Armas, Historia de la PrevisiĂ³n Social en España (Madrid, 1944);
MarĂa JimĂ©nez Salas, Historia de la Asistencia Social en España en la edad moderna (Madrid, 1958); and the articles deriving from a conference in Portugal, compiled in Actas das los Jornandas Luso-Espanholas de Historia Medieval (2 vols, Lisbon: 25–30 September 1972).
For Europe in general, and especially France, see the recent study by Michel Mollat, Les Pauvres au Moyen Age, Ă©tude sociale (Paris, 1978).
A detailed study of the origins of the word ‘falifa’ by Manuel GarcĂa Blanco attributes it to Arabic origins; this usage appeared first in the thirteenth century, and by the fourteenth century the new meaning of a pledge of clothing was common in these parts of Spain. Manuel Garcia Blanco, La lengua española en la epoca de Carlos V (Madrid, 1967) pp. 135–67.
The wood of the guayaco tree began to be shipped to Spain from the island of Hispañola in 1508 for treatment of syphilis. AndrĂ© SoubirĂ¡n and Jean de Kearney, El Diario de la medicina (Barcelona, 1980) pp. 184–5;
J. A. Paniagua, ClĂnica del Renacimiento’, in P. Lain Entralgo (ed.), Historia Universal de la Medicina, vol. IV (Barcelona, 1973) p. 100;
P. LaĂn Entralgo, Historia de la Medicina moderna y contemporĂ¡nea (Barcelona, 1954) p. 49;
H. Haeser, Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medicin, vol. II (Jena, 1881) pp. 82–3, and vol. III, pp. 246–7, and 290–3. And Robert S. Munger, ‘Guaiacum, the Holy Wood from the New World’, Journal of the History of Medicine (Spring 1949) pp. 196–229.
Antonio Rumeu de Armas, Historia de la previsiĂ³n social en España (Madrid, 1944) pp. 587–97, and pp. 242–4 on security against dangers of maternity.
Marjorie Nice Boyer, Medieval French Bridges: A History (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Medieval Academy of America, 1976) p. 31.
Mircea Eliade discusses the universal use of the concept of bridges in The Sacred and the Profane, The Nature of Religion, translated by Willard R. Trask, (New York and London, 1959) pp. 181–3.
For the distribution of hospices along the road to Santiago in Burgos, see the article by Pedro Carasa Soto, ‘La asistencia social y las cofradĂas en Burgos desde la crisis del Antiguo RĂ©gimen’, Investigaciones HistĂ³ricas, vol. III (University of Valladolid, 1986) pp. 179–229.
Hospitals and hospices dependent on confraternities in Leon, Astorga, Zamora, Salamanca, Cuidad Rodrigo and Palencia are examined by JosĂ© SĂ¡nchez Herrero, ‘CofradĂas, Hospitales y Beneficencia en algunas diĂ³cesis del valle del Duero, siglos XIV y XV’, Hispania, cxxvi (January–April 1974) 34.
The attribution of pious motives to bridge-building in the twelfth century accelerated bridge construction after a period of relative abandonment in the central Middle Ages according to Marjorie Nice Boyer, Medieval French Bridges, p. 31. One of the earliest bridge confraternities appeared in 1084 in France, near Bonpas, over the Durance river. ‘ConfrĂ©ries’, DDC (Paris, 1935–65) col. 142. In England, Stratford-upon-Avon had two brotherhoods of bridges, that of the Holy Cross and of the Assumption. See J. J. Jusserand, English Wayfaring Life in the Middle Ages (London, 1961) p. 32.
Constituciones de Nuestra Señora de la Carballeda, fols 5v and 6; chapter 13, fol. 11; chapters 21 and 22, fols 14 and 14v. In Madrid, the Hospital de los niños expĂ³sitos, or la Inclusa, began to take in children by 1572 after devoting itself to convalescents. In 1600, the Asilo de los niños Desamparados was also established in Madrid for children. Jacques Soubeyroux, ‘El encuentro del pobre y la sociedad: asistencia y represiĂ³n en el Madrid del siglo XVIII’, Estudios de Historia Social, 20–1 (1982) 21.
TeĂ³fanes Egido, ‘La cofradĂa de San JosĂ© y los niños expĂ³sitos de Valladolid’, Estudios Josefinos, 53 (Valladolid, 1973) 83–5 and 95–9; and Archivo Municipal de Valladolid, Libro de Actas. 23 July 1597, fol. 245.
Pablo de Espinosa, Teatro de la Santa Iglesia metropolitana de Sevilla (Seville, 1635) 71.
Ellen Friedman, Spanish Captives in North Africa in the Early Modern Age (Madison, 1983);
and James William Brodman, Ransoming Captives in Crusader Spain: The Order of Merced on the Christian-Islamic Frontier (Pennsylvania, 1986).
AG Simancas, Consejo y Junta de Hacienda, leg. 240, no. 22. Archivo Municipal de Valladolid, Libro de Actas, 4 August 1586, fols 407v. See also Ruth Pike, Penal Servitude in Early Modern Spain (Madison, 1983) pp. 63–5, on other confraternities dedicated to distributing alms, food and clothing to prisoners.
Salamanca, Archivo del Ministerio de Sanidad y Seguridad Social. CofradĂa de Caballeros (XXIV) Viente y Quatro, de las Reales Carceles de esta cuidad (Salamanca, 1915).
The point at which burying the dead entered the ranks of religious duties is obscure. It had been highly valued in ancient cultures, but was not cited in Matthew’s description of holy works. St Augustine recognized it as a charitable act, and medieval commentaries on Matthew’s passage since at least the thirteenth century added the burial of the dead to the list. It was named as an act of mercy in the cartulary of Mas-d’Azil in 1093, and Jean Beleth, a Parisian theologian and liturgist, cited it in his description of the acts in his Summa de Ecclesiasticus officiis of the late twelfth century. Nicolas of Lyra, Biblia Latina, and Hugonis de S. Chara, Biblia Latina. Jean Beleth, Summa de Eccclesiasticis officiis, chapter 77 in Corpus Christianorum, vol. XVI (Tunholti, 1976).
Philippe Ariès believes that burying the dead as an act of mercy was a product of the late Middle Ages. L’homme devant la mort (Paris, 1977) pp. 184–5.
Hippolyte Hélyot, Histoire des Ordres Monastiques (Paris, 1719) vol. VIII, pp. 262–3;
and Maurice Bordes, ‘Contribution a l’étude des confrĂ©ries de pĂ©nitents a Nice aux XVIIe–XVIIIe siècles’, Annales du Midi: Revue Archeologique, Historique, et Philologique: Revue de la France Meridionale, xix 139 (July–December 1978) 384.
Fernando da Silva Correia, Origen e formaĂ§Ă£o das MisericĂ³rdias portuguĂªsas: Estudios sĂ´bre a HistĂ³ria da AssistĂªncia (Lisbon, 1944).
Th. Klauser, ‘Das altchristliche Totenmahl nach dem heutigen Stande der Forschung’, Theologie und Glaube, xxx, (1928) 599–608;
A. Parrot, Le refrigerium dans l’Au-delĂ¡ (Paris, 1937);
A. Stuiber, Refrigerium Interim. Die Vorstellungen vom Zwischenzustand und die fruhchristliche Grabeskunst (Bonn, 1957).
P. A. Fevrièr, ‘A-propos du repas funeraire: cult et sociabilité’, Cahiers archeologiques xxvi (1977) 29–45;
M. Meslin, ‘ConvivialitĂ© ou communion sacramentelle? Repas mithriaque et Euchariste chrĂ©tienne’, Paganisme, judaisme, christianisme … MĂ©langes offerts Ă Marcel Simon (Paris, 1978) 295–306.
For the practise of refrigerium in the early Middle Ages and legislation regulating it, see Oronzio Giordano, Religiosità popolare nell’alto medioevo (Bari, 1979) pp. 67–71.
Augustine, Confession, VI, 2; and J. Quasten, ‘Vetus superstitio et nova religio. The Problems of refrigerium in the ancient Church of North Africa’, Harvard Theological Review, xxxiii (1940) 253–66.
The eleventh-century Council of Coyanza limited participation at funeral ceremonies and offertory meals to clerics, paupers and ‘the weak’, and prohibited banqueting by the laity around sepulchres. Alfonso Garcia Gallo, El Concilio de Coyanza (Madrid, 1951) pp. 24–5, 318–19. Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid. Constituciones Synodales de Avila, fol. 110v, capitulo 12; and AMZ, Constituciones Synodales de Astorga, const. XVI capitulo 6.
N. Hoyos Sancho, ‘Luz a los muertos’, Las Ciencias, xxiv (1959) p. 933;
and Violet Alford, Pyrenean Festivals (London, 1937) p. 262.
L. Hoyos SaĂnz, ‘Folklore español del culto a los muertos’, Revista de DialĂ©ctologia y Tradiciones Populares, 1 (Madrid, 1945) pp. 30–53.
Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais and his World, trans. Helene Iswolsky (Cambridge, Mass., 1968; originally published in Moscow, 1965) pp. 79–80;
see also Arnold van Gennep, Manuel de Folklore Français contemporain, 1 (Paris, 1946) p. 777;
Claude Dolan-Leclerc, ‘Cortège funebre et societĂ© au XVIe siècle Ă Aix-en-Province: Le presence des pauvres’, Le sentiment de la mort au Moyen Age (Montreal, 1979) p. 107;
Deschamps, Les ConfrĂ©ries au moyen Ă¢ge (Bordeaux, 1958) p. 96; P. Aries, L’Homme devant la mort, p. 33;
J. Huizinga, Homo Ludens: a study of the play-element in culture (Boston, 1955);
and Harvey Cox, The Feast of Fools; a theological essay on festivity and fantasy (Camridge, Mass., 1969).
Michel Foucault, Les Mots et les choses, first French edition, 1966 by Editions Gallinard; published in English as The Order of Things (New York, 1971).
As twentieth-century society moves away from the written word toward multi-media for the reception of messages, the role of images in molding behavior is undergoing critical examination by psychologists and sociologists. Feminist scholars are particularly aware of the power of images to form public opinion and stimulate individuals’ identification with stereotypes. See for example Susan Griffin’s criticism of commercial presentations of images of women in Pornography and Silence (New York, 1981).
The fundamental studies of church liturgy are Dom Gregory Dix, The Shape of the Liturgy (1st edn, Glasgow, 1945);
and Dom Cyprien Vagaggini, Ilsenso teologico della Liturgia (1st edn, 1957; 2nd edn revised and augmented, 1958).
See also M.-D. Chenu, ‘The Symbolist Mentality’, in Nature, Man, and Society (Chicago, 1979); originally published in 1957 as La thĂ©ologie au douzième siècle.
Benedicta Ward, Miracles and the Medieval Mind (Philadelphia, 1982) pp. 145–50
and Jean Rocacher, Rocamadour et son pèlerinage. Etude historique et archéologique (Toulouse, 1979).
Marie-Madeleine Antony-Schmitt, Le culte de saint-Sebastien en Alsace (Strasbourg, 1977).
Lima, Peru, established a CofradĂa de las Carceles in 1569, whose members included three lawyers ‘of great learning and conscience’ who took turns every four months in defending the imprisoned. Olinda Celestino and Albert Meyers, Las cofradĂas en el PerĂº: RegiĂ³n central (Frankfurt, Main, 1981) p. 117.
See also John K. Chance and William B.Taylor, ‘CofradĂas and cargos: an Historical Perspective on the Mesoamerican civil-religious hierarchy’, American Ethnologist, February 1985.
LuĂs L. CortĂ©s y VĂ¡zquez, ‘La Leyenda de San JuliĂ¡n el Hospitalerio y los caminos de la PeregrinaciĂ³n Jacobea del Occidente de España’, Revista de dialectologĂa y tradiciones populares, VII (Madrid, 1951) pp. 56–83.
Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York, 1973) pp. 95 and 119.
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Flynn, M. (1989). The Charitable Activities of Confraternities. In: Sacred Charity. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09043-3_3
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