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Abstract

Richard Nixon had few ambivalences about the Third World. Unlike Eisenhower or Kennedy, Nixon was never attracted to the idea of a modus vivendi with radical nationalisms. Nor was his National Security Adviser (later Secretary of State) Henry Kissinger. For them, simple repression was the appropriate US response to currents of Third World change.

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Notes and References

  1. US Congress, House Subcommittee on the Near East, Committee on Foreign Affairs, U.S. Interests in and Policy Toward the Persian Gulf, 92nd Congress, 2nd session, 1972, p. 95.

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  7. memorandum by Kissinger, ‘Follow-on Study of Strategy Toward Indian Ocean’, 22 December 1970, National Security Study Memorandum 110.

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  8. For a good summary of the conclusions of the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean studies, and of the reasoning which went into them, see the July 1971 Congressional testimony by Ronald Spiers (director, State Department bureau of politico-military affairs) and Robert Pranger (Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense, International Security Affairs, for Policy Plans and National Security Council Affairs) in US Congress, House Subcommittee on National Security Policy and Scientific Developments, Committee on Foreign Affairs, The Indian Ocean: Political and Strategic Future, 92nd Congress, 1st session, 1971, pp. 161–94. For the best secondary treatment of US policy in the Nixon years, written with first hand knowledge, see Gary Sick, ‘The Evolution of U.S. Strategy Toward the Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf Regions’, in Alvin Z. Rubinstein (ed.), The Great Game: Rivalry in the Persian Gulf and South Asia (New York: Praeger, 1983).

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  9. The words are those of Joseph Sisco, Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs. See US Congress, House Special Subcommittee on Investigations, Committee on International Relations, The Persian Gulf, 1975: the Continuing Debate on Arms Sales, 94th Congress, 1st session, 1975, p. 6.

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  11. see also US Congress, House Subcommittee on the Near East and South Asia, Committee on Foreign Affairs, The Persian Gulf 1974: Money, Politics, Arms, and Power, 93rd Congress, 2nd session, 1974, p. 73

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  30. In 1971, three exercises were conducted in Indian Ocean waters — in April, a six-ship anti-submarine warfare exercise in the eastern Indian Ocean near Australia; in July, a non-stop transit from Singapore to Australia via the Seychelles by the nuclear-powered frigate Truxton; and in September, an exercise involving the nuclear-powered aircraft carrier Enterprise (at that time the only operational nuclear carrier) and the nuclear frigate Bainbridge in the eastern Indian Ocean around Indonesia. Finally, in December 1971, a carrier task force led by the Enterprise was sent into the Bay of Bengal as evidence of the US ‘tilt’ toward Pakistan during the Indo-Pakistani War. US, Congress, U.S. Interests in and Policy toward the Persian Gulf, p. 111.

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  35. Ibid.; Stephen S. Roberts, ‘The October 1973 Arab-Israeli War’, in Bradford Dismukes and James McConnell (eds), Soviet Naval Diplomacy (New York: Pergamon Press, 1979), p.207;

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  42. Administration spokesmen played down strategic options the base might afford in the Indian Ocean littoral. In their words, it would ‘provide support for a flexible range of activities, including maintenance, bunkering, aircraft staging, and enhanced communications’, relieving the ‘strain’ of supporting naval operations thousands of miles from the nearest base. It would be ‘a super filling station’ where the fleet could pick up the ‘windshield wipers, and the tires, and whatnot that a filling station provides’. Why the fleet might need this filling station was not specified in great detail. Nor was the meaning of the phrase ‘aircraft staging’. Without an expanded runway, the base was able to accommodate all Navy and Air Force aircraft but the KC-135 tanker and the B-52 bomber. With the 4000 foot extension (from 8000 to 12000 feet) it could accommodate the KC-135 tanker — which could refuel B-52s. The expense of the purported filling station was understated along with the uses. The FY 1974 supplemental budget contained $29 million to fund construction; further costs would add (supposedly) $8.3 million to the final bill. Under Congressional prodding, however, the fact emerged that the total planned expenditure was really $137.2 million: the Navy had neglected to mention the salaries of Seabees who were building the base or the cost of communications equipment and other machinery which would be installed there. See US, Congress, Proposed Expansion, pp. 54, 167–8; US, Congress, House Subcommittee on Military Construction, Committee on Appropriations, Second Supplemental Appropriations Bill, FY 1974, part 1, 93rd Congress, 2nd session, 1974, pp.61, 74–5, 78; US, Congress, Diego Garcia, 1975, pp. 8–9, 28–9.

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  47. Ibid., pp.27–8.

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  48. Henry Kissinger, Years of Upheaval (Boston: Little, Brown, 1982), p.625.

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  49. Ibid., p. 1036.

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  50. Ibid., p.626.

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  51. Ibid.

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  52. See statement in Kissinger news conference at Jerusalem, 17 June 1974, in The Department of State Bulletin 71, 1829 (15 July 1974): 125.

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  53. In his 17 September news conference in Cincinnati, Kissinger declared, The U.S. preference prior to Rabat had been that the issue should be settled in negotiation between Jordan and Israel. That was the position we supported, and that is still basically our preference.’ The Department of State Bulletin 73, 1893 (6 October 1975): 510.

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  54. Ibid.

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  55. These documents are printed in US, Congress, House Committee on Foreign Affairs, The Search for Peace in the Middle East, 1967–79, pp.93, 97, 101.

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© 1986 William Stivers

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Stivers, W. (1986). Nixon and his Doctrine. In: America’s Confrontation with Revolutionary Change in the Middle East, 1948–83. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08398-5_5

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