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Interlude: The Paradox of Nonviolence

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Martin Luther King, Jr.
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Abstract

Throughout his public career, King was criticized because the nonviolent protests he led often generated violence. In the wake of the Birmingham campaign, journalist Reese Cleghorn wrote that King knew well that ‘the “peaceful demonstrations” he organized would bring, at the very least, tough repressive measures by the police’.1 When Time magazine chose King as ‘Man of the Year’ for 1963, its feature article contained the following observation: ‘King preaches endlessly about nonviolence, but his protest movements often lead to violence’.2 When King was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in December 1964, U.S. News & World Report, in an article entitled ‘Man of Conflict Wins a Peace Prize’, remarked that many Americans believed it ‘extraordinary that this prize should go to a man whose fame is based upon his battle for civil rights for Negroes — and whose activities often lead to violence’.3 A 1965 article in the conservative National Review, entitled ‘The Violence of Nonviolence’, charged that King’s campaigns, depending upon ‘the provocation of violence’, constituted a ‘violent assault upon representative, constitutional government’.4 Three years later, shortly after King announced plans for the Poor People’s Campaign, the National Review assailed what it called King’s ‘insurrectionary methods’, and solemnly warned of impending ‘anarchy’.5

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Notes and References

  1. Lionel Lokos, The Life and Legacy of Martin Luther King, (New York, 1968), p. 225.

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  2. Gene Sharp, The Politics of Nonviolent Action, (Boston, 1973), pp. 109–13; 657–8.

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  3. M. K. Gandhi, Non-Violent Resistance, (New York, 1961), p. 134.

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  4. James F. Childress, Civil Disobedience and Political Obligation, (New Haven, Conn., 1971), p. 213, n. 81.

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  5. King, Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community? (New York, 1967), p. 37.

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  6. King, ‘The Social Organization of Nonviolence’, in Robert F. Williams, Negroes With Guns, (New York, 1962), pp. 14–15.

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  7. Richard Gregg, The Power of Non-Violence, new ed. (New York, 1944), chapter VII.

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  8. William James, ‘The Moral Equivalent of War’, in The Writings of William James: A Comprehensive Edition, John J. McDermott, ed., (New York, 1967), pp. 660–71.

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  9. James Baldwin, The Fire Next Time, (New York, 1963), p. 21.

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  10. Henry David Thoreau, ‘Civil Disobedience’, in Waiden and Other Writings of Henry David Thoreau, ed. Brooks Atkinson, (New York, 1965), p. 647.

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  11. Charles V. Hamilton, ed., The Black Experience in American Politics, (New York, 1973), pp. 155, 157.

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  12. Alan F. Westin, ed., Freedom Now: The Civil-Rights Struggle in America, (New York, 1964), p. 33.

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  13. Foreword to Burke Marshall, Federalism and Civil Rights, (New York, 1964), p. ix.

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  14. Joanne Grant, ed., Black Protest: History, Documents and Analyses, 1619 to the Present, (New York, 1970) p. 399.

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  15. Haywood Burns, ‘The Federal Government and Civil Rights’, in Leon Friedman, ed., Southern Justice, (New York, 1965), p. 235.

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  16. Pat Waiters & Reese Cleghorn, Climbing Jacob’s Ladder: The Arrival of Negroes in Southern Politics, (New York, 1967), p. 229.

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© 1988 James A. Colaiaco

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Colaiaco, J.A. (1988). Interlude: The Paradox of Nonviolence. In: Martin Luther King, Jr.. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08223-0_9

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