Abstract
However the importance and influence of scientists within and without government are assessed, however vital their knowledge, it was political decisions taken at national and international levels which transformed erudite speculations and assessments into an agreement to prohibit nuclear tests and inhibit or ‘control’ the nuclear arms race.1 Equally, however widespread and publicised thess movement of protest might have been, that protest availed nought unless it influenced the decisionmakers. The scientists and protesters were a part of a movement against the nuclear arms race which focused on the issue of nuclear weapons testing, but the search for a multilateral agreement to halt nuclear tests and secure a measure of nuclear disarmament could only be conducted at the international level. The scientific community in Britain helped draw attention to the hazards of continued nuclear weapons tests in the atmosphere and helped devise means of verifying compliance with a treaty. The protesters acted as an insistent chorus which the government found difficult to ignore; they played a part by encouraging the government to pursue with determination the search for a CTBT, but they did not change the government’s defence policy which included the possible use of nuclear weapons.
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Notes and References
Hansard House of Commons, vol. 568, cols 1760–1, 16 Apr 1957. Most importantly at the December 1954 NATO Council of Ministers’ meeting, the Alliance adopted a declaratory policy of being prepared to use nuclear weapons to defeat a Soviet conventional attack on Western Europe. J. Simpson, The Independent Nuclear State: The United States, Britain and the Military Atom (London, 1983) p. 114.
The first successful ICBM flight test had already taken place in the Soviet Union in Aug 1957. D. Holloway, The Soviet Union and the Arms Race (New Haven, 1983) p. 66.
A. Buchan, The End of the Post-War Era (London, 1974) p. 23.
The most recent discussions of developments in Anglo-American nuclear co-operation are contained in John Baylis, Anglo-American Defence Relations 1939–80 (London, 1981) pp. 58–60.
J. Simpson, The Independent Nuclear State: The United States, Britain, and the Military Atom (London, 1983) pp. 111–63.
H. Macmillan, Riding the Storm 1956–1959 (London, 1971) pp. 300–1. Stassen and Secretary Dulles were constantly at loggerheads over disarmament policy. In presenting the ‘cut-off’ proposal Stassen appears to have acted unilaterally without consulting even the State Department. Simpson, p. 127.
US Department of State, Treaties and Other International Acts, Series no. 4267 (1959).
H. K. Jacobson and D. Stein, Diplomats, Scientists and Politicians ( Ann Arbor, Mich., 1966 ) pp. 130–1.
See, for example, J. J. Wadsworth, The Price of Peace (New York, 1962). p. 24.
Sir Michael Wright, Disarm and Verify (London, 1964) p. 137.
T. E. Murray, Nuclear Policy for War and Peace (Columbus, Ohio, 1960).
J. Strachey, On the Prevention of War (London, 1962) p. vii.
Robert Gilpin, American Scientists and Nuclear Weapons Policy (Princeton, 1968) pp. 232–44.
H. Macmillan, Pointing the Way, 1959–1961 (London, 1972) p. 62.
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© 1986 J. P. G. Freeman
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Freeman, J.P.G. (1986). Macmillan and Eisenhower: The Test-ban Negotiations, 1957–60. In: Britain’s Nuclear Arms Control Policy in the Context of Anglo-American Relations, 1957–68. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-07807-3_4
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