Abstract
In France the political party which has most openly borne the colours of socialism has always been a party of contradictions. In spite of the resuscitation and rejuvenation which it has experienced since 1969 it continues to face many of the dilemmas and divisions which have plagued it since its foundation in 1905.
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Notes and References
On the Club movement and their political loyalties see in particular G. Lavau and R. Cayrol, ‘Les clubs devant l’action politique’, Revue Française de Science Politique (RFSP), (June 1965)
F.L. Wilson, The French Democratic Left 1963–69 (Stanford University Press, 1971) pp.77–107.
For a detailed account of the CIR see D. Loschak, La Convention des Institutions Républicaines (Presses Universitaires de France, 1971).
For a more detailed analysis of how they saw their role see M. Charzat et al., Le CERES: un combat pour le socialisme (Calmann-Levy, 1975).
A very useful account, which includes a review of different interpretations of the crisis, is B.E. Brown, The Anatomy of a Revolt: Protest in Paris (General Learning Corporation, 1974).
A summary of divisions at the Congress can be found in D. Pickles, The Government and Politics of France, vol. I (Methuen, 1972) pp.381–2
P. Guidoni, Histoire du Nouveau Parti Socialiste (Tema—Action, 1973) pp.79–86.
The resolution adapted by the Congress is printed in C. Hurtig, De la SFIO au Nouveau Parti Socialiste (Armand Colin, 1970) pp.85ff.
A. Savary, Pour le Nouveau Parti Socialiste (Seuil, 1970) p.37.
This was especially so at local level. According to one estimate 70 per cent of the secretaries of departmental federations were replaced and their average age fell by 20 years. Quoted in V. Wright and H. Machin, ‘The French Socialist Party in 1973: Performance and Prospects’, Government and Opposition (Spring, 1974) pp. 127–8.
Delegates to the Congress reflected a membership of 70,000 for the PS and 10,000 for the CIR. This calculation of respective memberships was somewhat arbitrary.
For the full text of Mitterrand’s speech at Epinay and for his other major public statements see his anthology, Politique (Fayard, 1977).
Changer la vie: programme de gouvernement du parti socialiste (Flammarion, 1972). For a discussion of the document see A. Jeanson and G. Fuchs, ‘A propos du programme du PS’, Projet (Apr. 1972).
There were negotiations in the spring of 1972 between the PS and the Centrists but they foundered, principally on the latter’s refusal to have anything to do with the PCF. It should be said that the clear leftist strategy to which the PS now turned did produce some ripples of dissent within the Party. For example, Eric Hintermann, once closely associated with Defferre, left to form his own Parti-Social-Démocrate.
For an account of the Assises see Parti Socialiste, Pour le Socialisme: le livre des Assises du Socialisme (Stock, 1974).
Strictly speaking the 21 per cent includes a proportion gained by the Socialist’s allies (see below and Appendix 1).
On the significance of the ‘majority’/‘minority’ division and of the Pau Congress see R. Cayrol, ‘Avenir du PS’, Projet (Apr. 1975).
Speech to the Congress by Pierre Guidoni of CERES.
For a first hand account of the creation and development of the MRG see R. Fabre, Quelques baies de Genièvre (J.C. Lattès, 1976).
In 1980 it claimed around 20,000 members.
The MRG was very tempted to present its own list in the 1979 European elections. It eventually drew back from doing so for fear that it would not reach the 5 per cent threshold necessary for representation in the Parliament. In the 1981 presidential its candidate gained 2.2 per cent.
For the full text of this and other Rocard statements and speeches see M. Rocard, Parler Vrai (Seuil, 1979).
It certainly seems to have been a contributory reason for the relatively poor 23.6 per cent gained by the joint PS/MRG list in the June 1979 European elections.
Le Poing et la Rose (Nov.-Dee. 1979).
For an account of a meeting in the 13th arrondissement in Paris see Le Nouvel Observateur, 14 Jan. 1980.
The initial agenda was set out in the Party paper L’Unité, no.381, May 1980.
For fuller details see R. Cayrol, ‘La direction du Parti Socialiste’, RFSP (Apr., 1978) pp.201–19.
Wright, for example, points out that in 1977 the Socialist mayors elected in such important towns as Nantes, Rennes, Angoulême, Poitiers, Dreux, Chambéry and Castres were all under 40 years old. V. Wright, The Government and Politics of France (Hutchinson, 1978) p. 156.
Party treasurer’s Report to Congress 1979.
Ibid.
The cost of Mitterrand’s campaign was 9 million francs as compared with 1.5 million in 1965. The PS itself was not directly financially involved since the campaign was organised and financed outside the Party. In 1981 his campaign cost nearly 19 million francs.
This figure, given to us by Party headquarters, is of Apr. 1980.
For a discussion on this see ‘Les socialistes et le débat idéologique, Colloque de l’ISER’ 22 May 1976. Reproduced in La Nouvelle Revue Socialiste, no. 26, (1977).
P. Bérégovoy, ‘La stratégie socialiste du front de classe’, Le Monde, 12–13 June 1977.
P. Bacot, ‘Le Front de Classe’, RFSP (Apr. 1978) p.293.
Quotes taken from the text adopted at the 1974 Assises du Socialisme, ‘Pour le Socialisme’. Printed in Le Poing et la Rose (Sep. 1974).
Projet Socialiste pour la France des années 80 (Club Socialiste du Livre, 1980).
For detailed discussions of autogestion from Socialist viewpoints see P. Rosanvallon, L’Age de l’Autogestion (Seuil, 1976)
J-P Cot ‘Autogestion and Modernity in France’, in B. Brown (ed.), Eurocommunism and Eurosocialism (Cyrco Press, 1979).
C. Pierret and L. Praire, Plan et Autogestion (Flammarion, 1976) p. 175.
Projet Socialiste, op. cit., pp. 192–4.
This ‘nationalistic’ position of CERES has lost it many friends. For example, C. Pierret, a deputy from the Vosges, told us in conversation that it was his main reason for resigning from CERES. For a more detailed explanation of the CERES motion see the article by J.P. Chevènement in Le Matin, 5 Dec. 1977.
For a detailed account of how the PS believes that such changes can be achieved see its Proposition de Résolution to the Commission de l’Agriculture, Parlement Européen, 15 Jan. 1980 (presented in the name of E. Pisani and others).
See B. Criddle, ‘The French Parti Socialiste’ in W. Paterson and A. Thomas, Social Democratic Parties in Western Europe (Croom Helm, 1977) p.34.
Source: P. Hardouin, ‘Sociologie du Parti Socialiste’, RFSP (Apr., 1978) p.227.
Ibid., p.241.
For information on characteristics of the PS membership not discussed here, e.g. age structure and sex ratios
P. Bacot, Les Dirigeants du Parti Socialiste (Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1977). For the social background of deputies elected in 1978 see the table in Le Matin: Le Dossier des Legislatives 1978, p.68.
Survey conducted by IFOP, Le Point, 27 June 1977.
Also published in Sondages: L’Opinion en 1977 et 1978. nos. 2 and 3 (1978).
A detailed analysis of changing regional support is to be found in G. le Gall, ‘A gauche, toujours le reéquilibrage’, Revue Politique et Parlementaire, (Mar.-Apr., 1978) p.33ff. From 1967–78, the Socialists, in percentage terms, advanced most in Lorraine, Alsace, Brittany, and Basse Normandie. The only significant decline was in Limousin, though in Nord Pas-de Calais, Aquitaine, Provence and other long standing areas of strength there was a virtual stagnation.
Sofres survey. Le Nouvel Observateur, 4–10 July 1981. For the Sofres survey of the presidential elections see Le Nouvel Observateur, 1–7 June 1981.
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© 1982 Neill Nugent and David Lowe
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Nugent, N., Lowe, D. (1982). The Socialist Party. In: The Left in France. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-06868-5_3
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