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Abstract

THE most important influence for many years on modern English writing about the Tudor and early Stuart inflation was the great Victorian scholar, J. E. Thorold Rogers, who spent his life collecting and processing price materials stretching from the thirteenth to the nineteenth centuries.1 On the whole Rogers had little new to say about the causes of the price rise — it was due first of all to debasement and then subsequently to SpanishAmerican bullion — but the weight of those seven volumes was sufficient to propel this already current orthodoxy well into the twentieth century.2 All the most important writings on English economic history duly leaned this way, though there was a gradually growing volume of minor criticisms and amendments. Cunningham and Lipson — to cite two of the most influential did little more than fill out this dual-cause monetary explanation. From the late 1920s a new figure entered the ranks, the American historian, Earl J. Hamilton, who began to produce his work on Spanish price history, work which related intimately the rise in Spanish prices to the influx into Spain of New World treasure.3 His importance lay not in suggesting such a connection, but in his methods, which owed much to earlier writers such as Wiebe and to the American economist, Irving Fisher.

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References

  1. See Gerard de Malynes, A Treatise of the Canker of Englands Commonwealth (1601);

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  2. Englands view, in the unmasking of two paradoxes; with a replication unto the answer of Maister John Bodine (London, 1603). See also the selections from the 1601 treatise in Tawney and Power, op. cit., III, 386–404, esp. p. 387, ‘According to the plentie or scarcitie of the monie then, generally things became dearer or good cheape, whereunto the great store or abundance of monie and bullion, which of late years is come from the West Indies into Christendom, hath made every thing dearer according to the increase of monie …’ This is pure Bodin.

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  3. I. Fisher, The Purchasing Power of Money (New York, 1911).

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  4. C. Oman, The Coinage of England (Oxford, 1931);

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  5. A. Feavearyear, The Pound Sterling (Oxford, 1931); and

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  6. G. C. Brooke, English Coins (London, 1932).

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  7. The Committee met for the first time in 1930. See Sir W. Beveridge, Prices and Wages in England (London, 1930), p. 1.

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  8. Sir J. Clapham, A Concise Economic History of Britain (Cambridge, 1949), pp. 185–7.

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  9. Fisher, op. cit., especially chapter II.

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  10. The sections which follow owe a great deal to I. Hammarström, ‘The “Price Revolution” of the Sixteenth Century: Some Swedish Evidence,’ Scandinavian Economic History Review, V (1957), 118–54, an article which is much more wide-ranging than its title implies and constitutes the best modern discussion of the ‘price revolution’ and the problems associated with it.

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  11. The clearest accounts of the great debasement are those in the works of Oman and Feavearyear cited above. They should be read in conjunction with the recent careful corrective of C. E. Challis, ‘The Debasement of the Coinage, 1542–1551’, Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd series, XX, no. 3 (1967), 441–66.

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  12. J. U. Nef, ‘Silver Production in Central Europe, 1450–1618’, Journal of Political Economy, XLIX (1941), 575–91.

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  13. C. M. Cipolla, ‘La Prétendue “Revolution des Prix”: Réflexions sur 1’experiénce italienne’, Annales: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations, X (1955), 513–16.

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  14. This and the following section owes a great deal to the editorial comment, and selections from authorities, in E. Dean (ed.), The Controversy over the Quantity Theory of Money (Boston, 1965).

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© 1969 The Economic History Society

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Outhwaite, R.B. (1969). Monetary Explanations. In: Inflation in Tudor and Early Stuart England. Studies in Economic and Social History. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-06565-3_3

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