Abstract
Deterrence has not prevented the world from changing.1 We have gone a long way since the young and inexperienced nuclear powers tried to come to grips with the bomb, to integrate it into their strategy and to make it a persuasive tool not just for this strategy but also for their diplomacy. The early days of deterrence were characterized by four main features: an erstwhile predominance of military over civilian thinking about the bomb that postponed its ‘politicization’ and integration into a coherent policy; a feeling of total confrontation that was shared by the two opposing camps and left little, if any, room for dialogue and accommodation; a clear sense of the superiority of the United States that led to the belief that she had an educational mission vis-à-vis the Soviet Union; and a still unshattered trust in the benefits of technology, which more often than not saved the day by offering technological answers to political problems.
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Notes
Robert Jervis, ‘Deterrence Theory Revisited’, World Politics, Vol. 31, No. 2 (January 1979), pp. 289–324.
Richard Rosecrance, Strategic Deterrence Reconsidered, Adelphi Paper No. 116 (London: IISS, 1975), p. 2.
Nils H. Wessell, ‘Soviet Views of Multipolarity and the Emerging Balance of Power’, Orbis, Vol. 22, No. 4 (Winter 1979), pp. 786–813.
John Erickson, ‘The Chimera of Mutual Deterrence’, Strategic Review, Vol. 11, No. 2 (Spring 1978), pp. 11–17.
Henry A. Kissinger, Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy (New York: Harper & Row for Council on Foreign Relations, 1957), p. 4.
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© 1981 The International Institute for Strategic Studies
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Gasteyger, C. (1981). The Determinants of change: Deterrence and the Political Environment. In: Bertram, C. (eds) The Future of Strategic Deterrence. International Institute for Strategic Studies Conference Papers. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-06186-0_8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-06186-0_8
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