Abstract
In the Western context political legitimation refers in the main to certain processes (and their doctrinal underpinning) whereby state and governmental power and policy-decisions are rendered morally acceptable to the governed, so that there may be conformity without coercion. Furthermore, legitimation here is usually taken to signify the institutionalisation of electoral choice between alternative and conflicting basic policies and between competing groups of aspiring power-holders. What is thus conspicuous here is electoral or popular ‘sovereignty’, i.e. the ever-present uncertainty attaching to the outcome of political contests, rendering the nature of politics somewhat abstract and indefinite, and legitimation a predominantly procedural, formal affair. The contrast to Marxist doctrine and practice at least in East European communist states could not be more pronounced, for what is conspicuous with the latter is the predominantly substantive character of political legitimation, i.e. the conformity of policies and personnel-in-power to certain clearly defined, concrete objectives, to which the formal procedures characterising electoral sovereignty are made at least in part subservient (e.g. one-party ‘elections’). Crudely, therefore, the contrast is between the ‘people’ or electorate as the ultimate source of legitimacy in one case, and the concrete objective (‘communism’) as defined by the ruling Party and made effective by state power in the other case, or to reduce it even further to the oft-repeated cliché: in liberal-democracy ‘society’ has the final say in politics, in communism it is the ‘state’.1
I am grateful to my friend Terry McNeill, of the Hull Politics Department, for his bibliographical assistance and comments on an earlier draft of this chapter.
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Notes
Cf. my ‘State and Society: an Antithesis of Modern Political Thought’ (Introduction to J. Hayward & R. N. Berki (eds), State and Society in Contemporary Europe ( London, 1979 ). There regrettably, the terminology employed was in some respects rather misleading; in the present chapter, while essentially building on the same analytical perspective, I endeavour to rectify this.
P. Winch, ‘Authority’, in A. Quinton (ed.), Political Philosophy (Oxford, 1967) p. 99. (Emphasis here and in all subsequent quotations is in the original.)
I. Kant, Critique of Practical Reason, translated by T. K. Abbott (London, 1948 ) p. 175.
M. Oakeshott, On Human Conduct (Oxford, 1975) Parts i & ii. The argument of this chapter is quite heavily indebted to Oakeshott’s ideas on morality and the state. I do not, however, entirely accept his perspective; cf. my forthcoming ‘Oakeshott’s Concept of Civil Association: Notes for a Critical Analysis’, Political Studies, March 1982.
Aristotle, Politics (London, 1959) p. 7.
E. Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France (London, 1960) p. 95.
M. Oakeshott, ‘The Vocabulary of a Modern European State’, Political Studies, vol. 23 (1975) p. 329.
J. -J. Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses (London, 1963) p. 15.
G. W. F. Hegel, The Philosophy of Right, translated by T. M. Knox (Oxford, 1962) para. 4, p. 20.
M. Oakeshott, ‘The Vocabulary of a Modern European State’ (Concluding Part), Political Studies, vol. 23, 1975, p. 410.
The Federalist Papers op. cit., p. xvi. Cf.: ‘The two-party system is the natural concomitant of a political tradition in which government, as such, is the first considerationchrw….’ (L. S. Amery, Thoughts on the Constitution (London, 1964) p. 17).
Also: ‘Prior to freedom, or to “justice”, or even to truth, the primary and virtually absolute requirement is order, which must mean the existing order, until it can be replaced by a better, through orderly procedure and without excessive cost’. (F. H. Knight, ‘Authority and the Free Society’, in C. J. Friedrich (ed.), Authority ( Cambridge, Mass., 1958 ) p. 72 ).
R. C. Tucker, The Marxian Revolutionary Idea (London, 1970 ) p. 85.
K. Marx and F. Engels, Collected Works (London, 1975 ) vol. 3, p. 176.
K. Marx, Selected Works (London, 1943 ) vol. 2, p. 460.
K. Marx, Capital (Moscow, 1961 ) vol. 1, p. 326.
L. S. Feuer (ed.), Karl Marx and Federick Engels: Basic Writings on Politics and Philosophy (London, 1969 ) p. 522.
K. Kautsky, The Dictatorship of the Proletariat, translated by H. J. Stenning (Manchester, 1919 ) p. 30.
R. Miliband, Marxism and Politics (Oxford, 1977) p. 66.
V. I. Lenin, The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky, Collected Works (London, 1965 ) vol. 28, p. 236.
G. Antalfïy, Basic Problems of State and Society (Budapest, 1974) p. 185.
A. G. Meyer, ‘Historical Development of the Communist Theory of Leadership’, in R. B. Farrell (ed.), Political Leadership in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union (London, 1970) p. 15. Cf.
Also I. Fetscher. Fetscher, Das Verhältnis des Marxismus zu Hegel;, Marxismusstudien, 3 (Tübingen, 1960 ).
J. M. Gilison, British and Soviet Politics: Legitimacy and Convergence (Baltimore, 1972 ) p. 11.
G. A. Cohen, Karl Marx’s Theory of History: a Defence (Oxford, 1978 ) pp. 129–33.
Stephen White, Political Culture and Soviet Politics (London, 1979) p. 189.
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© 1982 T. H. Rigby and Ferenc Fehér
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Berki, R.N. (1982). The State, Marxism and Political Legitimation. In: Rigby, T.H., Fehér, F. (eds) Political Legitimation in Communist States. St Antony’s/Macmillan Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-05981-2_9
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