Abstract
This study has sought to demonstrate that an adequate account of the development of British-Soviet relations over the period under consideration cannot confine itself simply to a description of the process by which that policy was formulated within government. Individual decisions were, of course, powerfully influenced by the advice of the government’s representatives abroad, the recommendations of the Foreign Office, the predilections of the Foreign Secretary of the day and the views of the Cabinet as a whole. At a more fundamental level, however, British policy was shaped by a number of factors which together constituted the structural environment within which the makers of policy had necessarily to work. The most important of these factors, so far as relations with the Soviet government were concerned, were the fluctuating levels of unemployment and foreign trade, the strength and political orientation of colonial nationalism and the extent and degree of militancy of labour solidarity with the Russian workers’ state. It is in the interaction between these factors and British governing circles, we have suggested, that an explanation of the course of British-Soviet relations must ultimately be located. Those relations, that is to say, were an expression, in the last resort, of relations between classes.
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Notes
John Barnes and Keith Middlemas, Baldwin (London 1969), p.72 (Sir Leo Chiozza Money calculated that the number of people with incomes in excess of five thousand pounds had ‘rather more than doubled between 1913 and 1920’, largely as a result of wartime profiteering [New Leader, 4 January 1923]).
Harold Nicolson, King George V (London 1953), p. 333;
Lord Riddell, Intimate Diary of Peace Conference and After (London 1933), p. 22.
A. J. P. Taylor, English History 1914–1945 (Oxford 1965), p. 129.
Labour Research Department, Labour and Capital in Parliament (London 1923), pp. 8 and 10; New Statesman, 12 June 1920, p. 268; Labour Party Local Government Parliamentary and International Bulletin, vol. 1, no. 12 (1920), p. 149.
Walter Kendall, The Revolutionary Movement in Britain, 1900–1921 (London 1969), p. 24.
Leopold S. Amery, My Political Life (London 1953), vol. 2, pp. 262 and 246;
Lord Davidson, Memoirs of a Conservative (London 1969), p. 139.
Kenneth Rose, Superior Person (London 1969), pp. 232–3; Communist Review, July 1923, p. 109.
Hugh Stirk, The Leadership of the Conservative Party, 1902–1951 (B. A. thesis, Manchester, 1958), pp. 11, 12, 16 and 49.
E. J. Hobsbawm, Industry and Empire (London 1968), p. 171.
The fullest accounts are F. D. Volkov, Anglo-Sovetskie Otnosheniya 1924–29gg. (Moscow 1958),
S. V. Nikonova, Anti-Sovetskaya Vneshnyaya Politika Angliiskikh Konservatorov 1924–1927gg. (Moscow 1963)
and G. Gorodetsky, The Precarious Truce: Anglo—Soviet Relations 1924–1927 (Cambridge 1977).
See for instance, F. M. Burlatsky, Lenin, Gosudarstvo, Politika (Moscow 1970), p. 51.
L. J. Macfarlane, The British Communist Party (London 1966), p. 302; ILP membership, in contrast, almost doubled between 1918 and 1924, when it amounted to 56,000 (ILP, Annual Conference Report, 1925, p. 97).
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© 1979 Stephen White
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White, S. (1979). Conclusion: Class, Party and Foreign Policy. In: Britain and the Bolshevik Revolution. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-04299-9_9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-04299-9_9
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