Abstract
Between 1931 and 1933 the republican-Socialist coalition had endeavoured to create a socially progressive republic. In a context of world depression, it is inconceiveable that their programme of tentative reform could have resolved the highly conflictive social and economic problems inherited from the monarchy. Nevertheless, left republicans and Socialists believed that they had done enough to distinguish the new regime from the old and to set Spain off on its first faltering steps to modernity. They agreed that any step backward from the minimum achieved so far would be disastrous for the majority of the population. The Socialists, however, had been disturbed by the vehemence of opposition to what they regarded as basic humanitarian legislation. In the light of this, a growing sector of the trade-union movement and the FJS, encouraged by rather reckless support from Largo Caballero, were losing faith in the possibility that bourgeois democracy would allow the establishment of even a minimal social justice, let alone full-blown socialism.
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Notes
Ramos Oliveira, Politics pp. 489–91; Margarita Nelkin, Porqué hicimos la revoluciôn (Barcelona, 1936) pp. 67–9. In some provinces (particularly Badajoz, Malaga and Cordoba, the margin of rightist victory was sufficiently small for electoral malpractice to have affected the results. See El Debate 21 and 22 Nov, and 5 Dec 1933.
B. Diaz Nosty, La Comuna asturiana (Bilbao, 1974) pp. 52–60.
Alejandro Lerroux, La Pequenóa historia (Buenos Aires, 1945) p. 212; Robinson, Origins p. 152;
Jests Pabon, Cambio vol. II, part 2 (Barcelona, 1969) p. 290. This compares strangely with Gil Robles’s own open admission of his tactical aims (No fue posible la paz pp. 106–7).
Jests Pabon, Palabras en la oposicién (Seville, 1935) p. 196.
Azana, diary entry for 28 June 1937, Obras vol. iv, pp. 635–6; Buckley, Life and Death pp. 186–7. The level of venality was eventually to cause some unease within the Radical Party. Cf. the two letters reprinted in César Jalon, Memorias politicas (Madrid, 1973) pp. 214–18.
Luis Araquistain, El Derrumbamiento del socialismo alemdn (Madrid, 1933).
Marýa Teresa León, Memoria de la melancolia (Buenos Aires, 1970) p. 266.
Arrarñs, República vol. ii, pp. 251–7; Peirats, CNT vol. i, pp. 77–80; César M. Lorenzo, Les Anarchistes espagnols et le pouvoir (Paris, 1969) pp. 79–80.
Dolores Ibarruri et al., Guerra y revoluciôn en Espana 3 vols (Moscow, 1967–71), vol. I, pp. 52–7 (reprints all three projects in full); Ramos Oliveira, Politics pp. 507–8.
Herbert R. Southworth, Antifalange (Paris, 1967) p. 78; Gil Robles, No fue posible la paz pp. 190–1; Cortés Cavanillas, Gil Robles pp. 143, 180;
José Antonio Primo de Rivera, Obras 4th edition (Madrid, 1966) p. 124.
Francesc Bonamusa, El Bloc Obrer i Camperol (1930–1932) (Barcelona, 1974) pp. 275–82, 341–2.
Leon Trotsky, The Struggle Against Fascism In Germany (New York, 1971) p. 56.
Pelai Pagès, El Movimiento trotskista en Espana (1930–1935) (Barcelona, 1977) passim.
Alejandro Valdés,¡Asturias! (Valencia, n.d. [1935?]) pp. 16–17;
J. A. Sanchez y Garcia Sacco, La Revoluciôn de 1934 en Asturias (Madrid, 1974 ) pp. 39–40.
Antonio Ramos Oliveira, La Revolución espanáola de octubre (Madrid, 1935) pp. 55–61.
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© 1978 Paul Preston
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Preston, P. (1978). The Politics of Reprisal: The CEDA, the PSOE and the Insurrection of 1934. In: The Coming of the Spanish Civil War. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-03756-8_4
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