Abstract
Speaking before the geological section of the British Association in 1899, Archibald Geikie reminded his audience oi how geologists in the 1860’s had been “startled by a bold irruption into their camp from the side of physics.”1 He referred, of course, to the publication of Kelvin’s papers on the age of the earth. But time had telescoped events in his memory, and his recollections were somewhat distorted. By 1899 Kelvin’s influence had produced a major change in geological thought. The more radical implications of uniformitarianism had been left behind, and the infinite or vaguely indefinite time scales of the midcentury had given way to an earth of finite and calculable antiquity. By 1899, indeed, Kelvin’s original estimate of 100 million years for the earth’s age had become so entrenched among geologists that they were sharply at odds with his more restrictive later results. But such changes had hardly been sudden. Far from taking geology by storm, Kelvin’s chronology had been adopted gradually by individual scientists, and nearly a decade passed before its full impact began to be felt.
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
References
eikie, A. (1899), Presidential Address, p. 198.
Hopkins (1839), Precession and Nutation.
Examples of those geologists supporting Hopkins and Kelvin on the solidity of the earth include: Fisher (1868b), Elevation of Mountain Chains;
Hunt (1867), Chemistry of the Primeval Earth;
Scrope (1868), The Supposed Internal Fluidity of the Earth;
Shaler (1868), Formation of Mountain Chains.
Those opposed included: De Launay (1868), Internal Fluidity of the Terrestrial Globe;
Forbes (1867), Chemistry of the Primeval Earth;
Phillips (1869), Vesuvius, p. 329;
Ward (1868), Internal Fluidity of the Earth.
Kelvin’s address to the B. A. in 1861, the forerunner of “On the Age of the Sun’s Heat,” was mentioned only by title in The Geologist, 1861, 4:547, while several other papers were reprinted entirely or in detailed abstracts. The two landmark papers of 1862 went unnoted in any major geological publication.
Kelvin (1866a), Doctrine of Uniformity, pp. 6–9.
Phillips (1837), Treatise on Geology, 1:4–18. Quotation, p. 18.
Phillips (1860b), Life on Earth, pp. 122–137.
Ibid., pp. 126–127.
See Phillips’ Letter to Kelvin, 12 June 1861. Thompson (1910), Kelvin, 1:539. Quoted in part in Chapter 2.
Phillips was in fact responsible for several of the first public statements recognizing Kelvin’s work. (See: Phillips (1864), Address to the Section of Geotogy, pp. 175–180;
Phillips (1865), Presidential Address, pp. liii—liv.)
Geikie, A. (1867), Geological Time.
Geikie, A. (1871), Modem Denudation.
Ibid., pp. 188–189.
Croll (1864), Change of Climate, p. 137.
Irons (1896), Life of Croll, pp. 34, 113–114, 165–169.
Ibid., pp. 32–35, 61, 154–155. (Also see: Croll (1868), On Geological Time, 36:143;
Croll (1871a), Determining the Mean Thickness of Sedementary Rocks, p. 100.)
Croll (1868), On Geological Time, 35:374–375.
Also repeated in Croll (1875b), Climate and Time, pp. 326–327. The book Climate and Time, published in 1875, contained the substance of Croll’s numerous articles on geochronology and glacial theory which were published between 1864 and 1875. Croll’s ideas were already well known among scientists before the book appeared, but it gave them much wider currency.
Croll (1871c), Age of the Earth.
Croll (1868), On Geological Time, 35:368–74.
Herschel (1830), Preliminary Discourse, pp. 145–47;
Herschel (1835), Astronomical Causes;
Herschel (1849), Outlines of Astronomy, pp. 215–219;
Arago (1834), State of the Terrestrial Globe;
Adhémar (1860), Révolutions de la Mer, pp. 37–41,80–85,338–353 (I have been unable to consult the 1st edition of Adhémar’s work which appeared in 1842);
Humboldt (1848), Cosmos, IV:458–459.
Croll (1868), On Geological Time, 55:363–368, 36:146–154.
Croll (1864), Change of Climate;
Croll (1866a), Eccentricity of the Earth’s Orbit;
Croll (1866b), Submergence and Emergence of Land;
Croll (1867a), Excentricity of the Earth’s Orbit;
C’roll (1867b), Obliquity of the Ecliptic.
Croll (1867a), Excentricity of the Earth’s Orbit.
Croll (1868), On Geological Time, 35:366–368.
Walter Cannon has shown that in spite of Lyell’s tremendous influence, catastroph- ism remained an important geological doctrine through the early 1850s. (See: Cannon (1960), Uniformitarian-Catastrophist Debate.) But it is nonetheless clear that unifor-mitarianism had risen steadily in importance and by the 1860s had emerged as the dominant, if not altogether unchallenged, view of British geologists.
Lyell, K. (1881), Life of Lyell, 1:114–117 (Letter from Lyell to J. Croll 13 Feb. 1865) and 1:406–407 (Letter from Lyell to Prof. Heer 21 Jan. 1866).
Lyell, C. (1867–68), Principles, 10th ed., 1:271–282, 291–301.
Lyell, C. (1877), Principles, 11th ed., 1:284–296.
Lyell, C. (1850b), Principles, 8th ed., pp. 512–525.
Lyell, C. (1867–68), Principles, 10th ed., 11:212–213.
Ibid, 11:230–232.
Darwin, C. (1859), Origin, 1st ed., p. 282.
Ibid., pp. 285–287. This estimate is excessive even by today’s standards which put the origin of the Weald at about 135 million years.
Anonymous (1859), Darwin’s Origin.
Phillips (1860b), Presidential Address, pp. lii—lv;
Phillips (1860b), Life on Eath, p. 130.
Phillips had crossed swords with Lyell and Darwin as early as 1838, shortly after the latter’s return on theBeagle. (See: Lyell, K. (1881) Life of Lyell, II:39–41.
This letter also appears misdated as 1858, Ibid., II:281–282.) It is apparent from Darwin’s correspondence with Lyell in 1859–60 that he regarded Phillips’ views with reluctant respect. (See: Darwin, F. (1888), Life of Darwin, II:309, 349;
Darwin, F. and Seward (1903), More Letters of Darwin, 1:127, 130, 141.)
Darwin, C. (1959), Origin, Variorum, p. 484.
Darwin, F. (1888), Life of Darwin, 11:264.
Ibid., II:350. This statement was made before Darwin read Life on Earth (See: Ibid., II:349) which he subsequently criticized quite harshly. (See: Letters to J. D. Hooker, 15 Jan. 1861, and A. Gray, 5 June 1861, Ibid., 11:358, 373–374.) Thus, although he left the calculation out of the third edition, he did not include the proposed footnote.
Darwin, F. and Seward (1903), More Letters of Darwin, 11:139.
Kelvin (1871c), Presidential Address, pp. 197–205.
Huxley referred to the theory as “Thomson’s ‘creation by cockshy’—God Almighty sitting like an idle boy at the seaside and shying aerolites (with germs), mostly missing, but sometimes hitting a planet!” (See: Huxley, L. (1918), Life of Hooker, II:126.)
Kelvin (1889), On the Sun’s Heat, p. 422.
Jenkin (1867), The Origin of Species.
Thompson (1910), Kelvin, I:408–409, 552–553.
Stevenson (1887), Memoir of Jenkin, I:lxi.
Jenkin (1867), The Origin of Species, pp. 294–305.
Ibid., p. 295.
Loc cit.
Mivart (1871), Genesis of Species, pp. 142–57.
Marchant (1916), Letters of Wallace, 1:242. Letter dated 14 April 1869.
For some indication of the magnitude of Kelvin’s influence at this time see: Ellegard (1958), Darwin and the General Reader, pp. 237–38.
Darwin, F. and Seward (1903), More Letters of Darwin, 1:460–465. Letters to Lyell, Hooker, Huxley and H. W. Bates between 1 Nov. 1860 and 26 Mar. 1861.
Ibid., II:211. Letter dated 19 Sept. 1868.
Irons (1896), Life of Croll, pp. 200–203, 216–221.
Darwin, F. and Seward (1903), More Letters of Darwin, II:163. Letter dated 31 Jan. 1869.
Darwin C. (1959), Origin, Variorum, pp. 482–486.
Darwin, F. and Seward (1903), More Letters of Darwin, I:313–314. Letter dated 24 July 1869.
Wallace (1869a), Geological Climates, pp. 375–376.
Marchant (1916), Letters of Wallace, 1:246. Letter dated 4 Dec. 1869.
Wallace (1870), Geological Time.
Wallace sent a prepublication copy of “Geological Climates,” which was a review of the new editions of Lyell’s Principles and Elements, to Darwin early in 1869. Darwin immediately responded with the opinion that Wallace had not placed as much confidence in Croll’s work as he, Darwin, was willing to do. (See: Marchant (1919), Letters of Wallace, I:242. Letter dated 14 April 1869.) There can be little doubt that this opinion was in some degree influential in Wallace’s subsequent about-face and his adoption of Croll’s hypothesis in “Geological Time.”
Wallace (1870), Geological Time, p. 454. (His italics)
Marchant (1916), Letters of Wallace, I:250–251. Letter dated 26 Jan. 1870. Actually, Darwin was confusing Wallace’s argument for rapid climatic change due to alterations of astronomical conditions with Kelvin’s argument for greater past meteorological and plutonic activity due to higher temperatures in the earth and sun. The two arguments have little in common, but I have found no record of Wallace correcting Darwin.
Ibid., 1:268. Letter dated 12 July 1871.
Darwin, C. (1959), Origin, Variorum, p. 513.
Ibid., p. 728.
Kelvin (1871a), Geological Time, p. 10.
Ibid., p. 44.
Huxley, T. H. (1869), Geological Reform.
Ibid., p. 329. Huxley’s allusion was to the Bible, Acts 18:17. Gallio, the Proconsul of Achaea, refused to try Paul under Roman law for breaking Jewish law. Jewish law was not his province and he “cared for none of those things.” Huxley’s reference was perhaps more pointed than it appears at first.
Ibid., p. 331.
Ibid., p. 327.
Ibid., p. 322.
Hbid., p. 335–336.
Kelvin (1871b), Geological Dynamics.
Ibid., pp. 89–90.
Copyright information
© 1975 Science History Publications
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Burchfield, J.D. (1975). Kelvin’s Influence: The Initial Reception. In: Lord Kelvin and the Age of the Earth. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-02565-7_3
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-02565-7_3
Publisher Name: Palgrave, London
Print ISBN: 978-1-349-02567-1
Online ISBN: 978-1-349-02565-7
eBook Packages: Earth and Environmental ScienceEarth and Environmental Science (R0)