Abstract
Contemporary liberal judgements about the impact of the First World War on British society were marked by a certain ethereality. They reflected a conviction that the world was changed after 1918 but the marrow of the transformation seemed to be located in a number of intangible areas which beggared precise description. When Eleanor Acland saw a man returning from the front, he was ‘incredibly like his old self only somehow a stranger too’.1 When Lloyd George wanted to fool Bonar Law, he played upon ‘the heart, the nerve and the blood of the people’ which the great conflict had in some sense altered.2 For everyone the new world was different because people were different. For politicians the world was different because public life had changed. Where once political activity in England had been marked by decency, fair play and the behaviour of gentlemen, it was now characterised by ‘stunt campaigns, tactical exploitation of ignorant prejudices and appeals to lower motives’.3 It was now part of a debased image dominated by Bottomley, Northcliffe, Birkenhead, above all Lloyd George, embodying ‘opinion and forces’ to which the war had somehow given rise.4 Most of these opinions and forces were faced well enough by the representatives of postwar liberalism; the latter was not without a basic defensive vocabulary which could confront change with equanimity.
Parts of a draft of this essay were read to the Kitson Clark/Pelling seminar in Trinity College, Cambridge in October 1972 and the author wishes to thank members of that seminar for their criticisms. He also wishes to record his indebtedness to owners of the manuscript material upon which much of the essay is based.
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Notes
H. A. L. Fisher, Lord Bryce (1927) vol. 2, p. 122;
J. Pease, Elections and Recollections (1932) p. 73.
M. Reckitt, As It Happened (1941) p. 104.
E. M. Forster, Goldsworthy Lowes Dickinson (1962 ed.) p. 116.
S. E. Koss, Lord Haldane: Scapegoat for Liberalism (1969) p. 241. Again the view is retrospective, but it is fair to add that Haldane had been voicing such worries since at least the 1880s. See, for example, D. A. Hamer, Liberal Politics in the Age of Gladstone and Rosebery (Oxford, 1972 ) p. 233.
J. A. Hobson, The Crisis of Liberalism (1909) p. 93.
C. Addison, Four and a Half Years (1933) vol. 2, p. 459.
O. Brett, A Defence of Liberty (1920) p. 178.
G. Murray, ‘The Democratic Idea’, in Viscount Bryce (ed.), The League of Nations (Oxford, 1919), p. 125;A. P. Herbert in The Times, 12 January 1927.
Lord Elton, The Life of James Ramsay MacDonald (1939) p. 344.
M. V. Brett (ed.) The Journals and Letters of Lord Esher (1938) vol. 4, p. 243.
K. O. Morgan, Lloyd George: Welsh Radical as World Statesman (1963) p. 71.
C. F. G. Masterman, The New Liberalism (1920) p. 195.
H. H. Asquith, Letters to a Friend (1933) vol. 1, p. 175; Elizabeth Bibesco to G. Murray, 29 May 1920. Bodleian Library. Murray Papers.
C. F. G. Masterman to Lucy Masterman, 26 August 1920, quoted in L. Masterman, C. F. G. Masterman (1939) p. 317.
G. McAllister, James Maxton: Portrait of a Rebel (1935) p. 165.
R. B. McCallum’s. See his Public Opinion and the Last Peace (Oxford, 1944 ) p. 91.
E. Dodds, Is Liberalism Dead? (1920) p. 73.
M. Asquith to J. M. Keynes, 26 January 1920. King’s College, Cambridge, Library. Keynes Papers. Three years later Harold Laski was to report her talking ‘just like a grande dame of the eighteenth century who has heard with amazement that there is an émeute at the palace gates’. M. Howe (ed.), Holmes—Laski Letters, 1916x1935 (1953) vol. 1, p. 562.
M. Cole (ed.), Beatrice Webb’s Diaries, 1914–24 (1952) p. 250.
H. Spender, The Fire of Life (1926) p. 277.
J. R. MacDonald to G. Murray, 10 October 1924. Bodleian Library. Murray Papers. Cf. M. Cowling, The Impact of Labour, 1920–24 (Cambridge, 1971) p. 381.
Defection to labour during the war is considered in M. Swartz, The Union of Democratic Control in British Politics during the First World War (1971) pp. 84–144. For a broader treatment see C. A. Cline, Recruits to Labour: The British Labour Party, 1914–31 (1963).
F. W. Hirst, Economic Freedom and Private Property (1935) p. 23.
The worker is usually no more competent to play a useful part at the board than the director at the loom or the lathe.’ R. Muir, The Liberal Way (1934) pp. 176–7.
For an account of the political significance of Lloyd George’s earlier land campaign see H. V. Emy, ‘The Land Campaign: Lloyd George as a Social Reformer, 1909–1914’, in A. J. P. Taylor (ed.), Lloyd George: Twelve Essays (1971) pp. 35–68.
Lord Kilbracken to the Earl of Inchcape, and Earl of Inchcape to Lord Buckmaster, n.d. (1926), quoted in H. Bolitho, James Lyle Mackay, First Earl of Inchcape (1936) pp. 221–2.
T. Wilson, The Downfall of the Liberal Party (1966) p. 329.
C. Cross, Phillip Snowden (1966) p. 228.
James Johnston wrote: ‘Just as he punched his way to the first place among the heavy-weight boxers of the navy, so he punched his way to parliamentary prominence. He never sought by delicate means to turn an argument.’ A Hundred Commoners (1931) p. 59.
Phillip Kerr to J. Stevenson, 26 October 1928. Quoted in J. M. Butler, Lord Lothian (1960) p. 161.
Quoted in G. M. Young, Stanley Baldwin (1952) p. 142.
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Bentley, M. (1974). The Liberal Response to Socialism, 1918–29. In: Brown, K.D. (eds) Essays in Anti-Labour History. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-02039-3_3
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