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China as an Operational Nuclear Power and its Nuclear Strategy

  • Leo Yueh-Yun Liu

Abstract

When Communist China becomes an operational nuclear power, with a small stockpile of M.R.B.M.s or I.R.B.M.s, a new type of nuclear deterrence, between Communist China on the one hand and one or both of the superpowers on the other, will emerge. So far both superpowers have been able to maintain a relatively stable international system. The United States, for example, has played a significant role in the maintenance of world security and stability, especially in Asia. Thus in 1964, immediately after Communist China had conducted its first nuclear test, President Johnson assured American allies in Asia that the American commitments there would be honoured, and announced at the same time that ‘nations that do not seek nuclear weapons can be sure that if they need United States support against the threat of nuclear blackmail, they will have it’.1 Since 1960, the Soviet Union has refused to support or encourage Chinese nuclear development. In fact the Russian attitude has changed over the past years from apparent indifference to indirect attack and then to open attack of Communist China’s nuclear development.2

Keywords

Nuclear Weapon Nuclear Test World Politics Nuclear Deterrence Nuclear Capability 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

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Notes

  1. 4.
    Arthur J. Godberg, ‘U.S. Calls for Prompt Endorsement by the General Assembly of the Draft Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons’, The Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Department of State Publication 8385 ( Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1968 ) p. 8.Google Scholar
  2. 7.
    Raymond Aron, The Great Debate ( Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1965 ) p. 62.Google Scholar
  3. 8.
    Stanley Hoffman, ‘Nuclear Proliferation and World Politics’, in A World of Nuclear Powers?, ed. Alastair Buchan (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1966 ) p. 113.Google Scholar
  4. 11.
    Robert L. Rothstein, On Nuclear Proliferation ( New York: Columbia University, 1966 ) p. 60.Google Scholar
  5. 12.
    See Thomas C. Schelling, The Strategy of Conflict (New York: Oxford University Press, 1963) pp. 6, 119, 138, 192 and especially 187 ff.Google Scholar
  6. 18.
    Alice L. Hsieh, foreword to the Japanese edition of Communist China’s Strategy in the Nuclear Era: Implications of the Chinese Nuclear Detonations (Santa Monica, Calif.: Rand Corp., 1965 ) p. 6.Google Scholar
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    See Hindu 29 Oct 1964. See also W. L Ryan and S. Summerlin, China Cloud: America’s Tragedy and China’s Rise to Nuclear Power (Boston: Little, Brown, 1968) p. 190.Google Scholar
  8. 28.
    This statement was made in 1966. See W. L. Ryan and S. Summerlin, China Cloud, p. 241.Google Scholar
  9. 29.
    See M. R. Masani, ‘The Challenge of the Chinese Bomb-II’, India Quarterly, XXI, no. 1 (Jan-Mar 1965) 23. See also The Times (London), 5 Dec. 1964.Google Scholar
  10. Donald Edward Kennedy, The Security of Southern Asia ( New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1965 ) p. 234.Google Scholar
  11. 43.
    See Alastair Buchan, ‘An Asian Balance of Power’, Australian Journal of Politics and History XII (Aug 1966), 278ff.Google Scholar
  12. Walter B. Wentz, Nuclear Proliferation ( Washington: Public Affairs Press, 1968 ).Google Scholar
  13. 44.
    See Leonard Beaton, Must the Bomb Spread? ( New York: Penguin, 1966 ) p. 57.Google Scholar
  14. 49.
    See Kiichi Saeki and Kai Wakaizumi, ‘The Problems of Japan’s Security’, China and the Peace of Asia, ed. Alastair Buchan ( New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1965 ), 227.Google Scholar
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    Herman Kahn, Thinking about the Unthinkable ( New York: Horizon Press, 1962 ) pp. 212–13.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited 1972

Authors and Affiliations

  • Leo Yueh-Yun Liu
    • 1
  1. 1.Brandon UniversityCanada

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