Abstract
Thoug. the wealth of Romagna lay in the countryside, the loyalties of the Romagnols, as of all Latins in Southern Europe, was to the town. Civil society, urban life, to the Italian, as to the Greek of the fifth century, was the highest expression of civilisation. The naive delight of the Romagnol town dweller of today in his birthplace echoes the emotions of the native chroniclers of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Campanalism., local patriotism, was much more than an economic force; it was the deep emotional expression of something rooted in the Italian soul.
It seemed the greatest and proudest thing I had ever seen.
Cobell., on the Forli of his youth
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Notes
For the bell of Ravenna, F. Beltrami, Il forestiero istruito nelle cose notabili di Ravenn., Ravenna, 1783, 42. It is uncertain when clocks were first brought to the towns; mention is made of one in 1371 at Cesena. At Imola in 1462, ‘the circumspect man, Battista di Baldassare di Baffadi, procurator of the commune, in execution of the deliberation taken by the anzian. and council of Imola concerning the clock to be made by Cristo- foro da Merlo’ gave to him the tax upon foreigners until it yielded £B.100. In return he was to construct a clock within a year, ‘in the place of the old clock of Imola’; AN. Imola, Guasconi, 24 January 1462.
BC. Ravenna, Statuti polentan., 53, each citizen obliged to remove mud every Friday; Statuti di Imol., 294, 208–9; Clementini, Raccolto istorico della fondazione di Rimin., Rimini, 1617, II, 362.
G. Majoli, Palazzi, Case e casate di Ravenna del passat., Ravenna, 1956, 24.
G. Mazzini, ‘Una vertenze fra i medici e il comune d’ Imola nel secolo XIII’ extracted from Bollettino dell’ Istituto Storico italiano del- l’ Arte Sanitari., Rome, May-June 1930.
A. Palmieri, ‘L’ esercizio dell’ arte medica nell’ antico Apennino bolognese’, AM., 4, I, 1911, 1–224.
G. Manacorda, Storia della scuola in Itali., I, 1913, pt. II, 297:
S. Bemicoli, ‘Maestri e scuole letterarie in Ravenna’, FR. 1925, 61–9, 90–99;
Carlo Tonini, La coltura letteraria e scientifica in Rimin., Rimini, 1884, 4.
C. Malagola, Memorie storiche sulle maioliche di Faenz., Bologna, 1880;
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Nuovi testi fiorentini del dugent., ed. A. Castellani, Florence, 1952, II, 911; A. Sapori, ‘Un bilancio domestico a Firenze alla fine del dugento’ in Studi di storia economic., I, 354, 367, 368; Sacchetti, Novell., L.
BC. Faenza, Matricola de larti del la lana de magnifica citade de Faenz. (1470).
G. Ballardini, Inventario critico e bibliografico dei codici e pergamene de IV archivio del comune di Faenz., Faenza, 1905, XXXIX, for decree of Arts prohibiting work on feast days, 8 March 1332.
BC. Faenza, Matricola dei fabbr., Cap. IV; C. Spreti, Statuti e rubriche dell’ ordine della Casa Math., Ravenna, 1820, 8–9 (statutes of 1304).
F. Sacchetti, I sermoni evangelic., Florence, 1857, 52.
C. Roth, The History of the Jews in Ital., Philadelphia, 1946, 70, 121–2, 130–3, 147–9; Fantuzzi, III, 75–6; G. Balli, ‘Gli Ebrei a Lugo’, SR. III, 1953, 145 et se.
A. Bernardi, Cronache forlives., Bolgona, 1895, 304–5.
In Florence interest rates remained at an average 20–30 per cent through the fourteenth century; A. Sapori, ‘L’ interesse del denaro a Firenze nel trecento’, in Studi di storia economic., I, 223–43. Interest on loans against pledge in Siena was 20 per cent in 1457; in Lucca, 40 per cent in 1372, 33 J per cent in 1431, 30 per cent in 1482; N. Piccolomini, Il Monte dei Paschi di Sien., Siena, 1891, I, 144. In the Marche with an economy similar to that of Romagna, interest varied with the size of the loan. At Gemmana in 1395, loans of less than half a mark under full security took 37 per cent interest, those of above, 22–23 per cent. In Fano in 1425, interest varied from 20–25 per cent against pledges and rose to 28 per cent and above against public instrument; G. Luzzato, I banchieri ebrei in Urbino ne IV età ducal., Padova, 1903, 16, 32–3. Sacchetti distinguished the foenato. from the usurer, the first lending at simple, the second at compound interest, but it is doubtful if bankers in normal transactions in Romagna capitalised interest; A Sapori, ‘L’ usura nel dugento a Pistoia’, I, 187. In all Romagnol documents of this era the two terms are used interchangeably.
In that year, the Jews of the province asked that papal taxation should not exceed 200 ducats gold; E. Rinaldi ‘Gli Ebrei in Forli’, AMR,.4, X, 1920,313-15.
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The Council of Faenza allowed two Florentine merchants to establish a bank in the town in June, 1379; Mittarelli, 563. A Florentine is found lending money in Ravenna in 1289; Tarlazzi, II, 103–4. See, too, E. Fiumi, Storia economica e sociale de San Gimignan., Florence, 1961, 92–3.
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AN. Ravenna, M.26, 22r, 19 May 1376; on slavery in Italy see I. Origo ‘The Domestic Enemy: The Eastern Slaves in Tuscany in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries’, Speculu., 1955, 321–66.
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G. Zaccagnini, ‘Due rimatori faentini del secolo XIII’, Archivium Romanicu., XIX, 1953, 79–106.
N. Matteini, Il più antico opositore politico di Dante: Guido Vernani da Rimin., Padua, 1958;
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C. Tonini, La coltur., Chapter ii; B. Brandi, Vita e dottrina di Raniero da Forlì., Turin, 1885.
F. Güterbock, ‘Forliveser Annalen des Pietro Ravennate’, Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere Deutsche Geschichtskund., XXIV, 1899, 736–42. The Annali forlives. are not to be confused with the Annales Foroliviense. (or Cronaca Moratin.), compiled in the fifteenth century.
Hieronymus Foroliviensis, 29; G. Ballardini, ‘Alcuni lettere dei Manfredi al Gonzaga’, AM., I, 1936, 18.
On the popularity of the Romagnol spas, see R. Davidsohn, Firenze ai tempi di Dant., Florence, 1929, 602.
Rimatori comico-realistid del duecento e trecent., ed. M. Vitale, Turin, 1956, II, 279–80, 184.
L. Baldisseri, Benvenuto da Imol., Imola, 1921.
See D. Baldisseri, Il castello di Mordan., Imola, 1925, 28.
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© 1965 John Larner
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Larner, J. (1965). The Town. In: The Lords of Romagna. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-00589-5_7
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