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The Reshaping of the Dual Alliance

  • Christopher Andrew

Abstract

GABRIEL HANOTAUX had shown an increasing lack of enthusiasm for the Dual Alliance during his years as foreign minister, and had completely alienated his Russian opposite number, Muraviev, whom he variously described at cabinet meetings as ‘cheat’ and ‘traitor’.1 The relationship between Muraviev and Delcassé was quite different. Muraviev visited Paris soon after Delcassé took office and quickly came to feel confidence in him. A year later Delcassé told his wife: ‘Personally we are increasingly in sympathy and this personal friendship complements our political relationship’.2 Delcasse’s original enthusiasm for the Dual Alliance had been based on an unsentimental assessment of the national interest. During his years as foreign minister, however, even his friends came to recognise his growing susceptibility to the flattering attentions of the Tsar and his ministers. He was not the first French statesman to be influenced in this way. Before his election as President, Félix Faure had been an avowed Russophobe; yet the account in his journal of the end of the Tsar’s state visit to France in 1896 reads like a romance: ‘We simultaneously moved towards each other and embraced. At this moment the Emperor, deeply moved, said to me: “It is for always, isn’t it?” Deeply moved myself, I replied: “Yes, sire, for always”.’3

Keywords

Foreign Minister Russian Government World Empire Arbitration Tribunal Turkish Empire 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

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Notes

  1. 4.
    Charles Roux, op. cit., 54. Combarieu, op. cit., 156. Princess Anatole Baryatinskaya, My Russian Life (London, 1923), 57.Google Scholar
  2. 4.
    DDFl, xv, nos. 128, 249. Count S. Witte, Memoirs (London, 1921), 178.Google Scholar
  3. 2.
    A. Chéradame, L’Europe et la question d’Autriche (Paris, 1901), 69–70.Google Scholar
  4. J. Steinberg, Yesterday’s Deterrent (London, 1965), 143, 156.Google Scholar
  5. 3.
    A. Sorel, La question d’Orient au XVIIIe sièle (Paris, 1889), 280; cited by Chéradame, op. cit., iii.Google Scholar
  6. 4.
    C. Benoist, ‘L’Europe sans Autriche’, Revue des Deux Mondes, 15 Nov. 1899, 241.Google Scholar
  7. 1.
    N. Cohn, Warrant for Genocide (London, 1967), 78.Google Scholar
  8. 2.
    J. Hansen, L’ambassade à Paris du Baron de Mohrenheim (Paris, 1906), 129.Google Scholar
  9. 2.
    See E. Walters, ‘Franco-Russian Discussions on the Partition of Austria-Hungary’, Slavonic and East European Review, XXVIII (1949–50), 184–97. Walters does not, however, relate these discussions to the exchange of letters of August 1899. He quotes the admission of a Russian foreign ministry official to the Austrian ambassador in the spring of 1900 that France had succeeded in tying Russia’s hands on the future of Austria — Hungary (op. cit., 190), but fails to identify the agreement by which this object had been achieved.Google Scholar
  10. 3.
    M. Balfour, The Kaiser and His Times (London, 1964), 215, 219.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Christopher Andrew 1968

Authors and Affiliations

  • Christopher Andrew
    • 1
  1. 1.CambridgeUSA

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