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Part of the book series: Studies in Economic and Social History ((SESH))

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Abstract

OF the three main agricultural classes, landowners, farmers (all except 12 per cent of farm occupiers were tenants by the end of the period), and labourers, it is surprising that we know least about the economic condition of the middle group. Firsthand studies of income movements have been made as they affected landowners (partly as a tribute to their political influence) and farm workers (partly as a tribute to our political conscience), but almost none for the farming community, despite its central economic function in the countryside. Something may of course be deduced of the swings of fortune for farmers from general accounts of agricultural prosperity and distress, but only indirectly. What is reasonably plain is that although some sections of the farmer class managed to make satisfactory profits during downswings like that after the Napoleonic wars, others barely kept their heads above water. The commonsense view prevails that total net farm income was higher and more widely diffused when product prices were rising. This was very significant for the economy as a whole. Professor J. R. T. Hughes has stressed, for example, just how much the rise in farm incomes contributed to industrial expansion in the ‘fifties, through a welling-up of purchases of machinery and other producer goods.1

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  1. C. P. Kindleberger stresses the indivisibility of holdings and uncertainty about the respective shares of landlord and tenant in the transformation costs in ‘The Failure of British Agriculture to Transform’, Economic Growth in France and Britain 1851–1950 (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), pp. 239–47. This deals rather more with the last quarter of the century, as does a valuable recent source book, Oxley Parker, op. cit., and a valuable discussion of modern Protectionism, Michael Tracy, Agriculture in Western Europe: Crisis and adaptation since 1880 (1964), but all three throw light on the inflexibilities which aggravated the slithering from ‘Golden Age’ to ‘Great Depression’.

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  2. J. R. T. Hughes, Fluctuations in Trade, Industry and Finance: a Study of British Economic Development 1850–1860 (1960), pp. 221–3.

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  3. But we have had one extremely revealing study of the role of the country banks, Audrey M. Taylor, Gilletts, Bankers at Banbury and Oxford: a Study in Local Economic History (1964).

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  4. In 1849 (why not earlier?) he offered his tenants an investment equal to one-fifth of the current rent in such immediate improvements as might reduce costs or increase output, together with further investment in drainage on terms to be agreed. C. S. Orwin and E. H. Whetham, History of British Agriculture 1846–1914 (1964), p. xx.

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  5. Most explicitly in ‘English Great Estates in the 19th Century, 1790–1914’, First International Conference of Economic History, Stockholm (1960), Contributions, pp. 385–97. The view is accepted by another specialist in the history of estate management, David Spring, ‘English Landed Society in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries’, Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd ser., XVII (1964), p. 149. But note that the discussion has centred on returns from rents and that landowners were also in principle the gainers by capital appreciation on their estates, even if they had no intention of realising on this. However, while farm capital rose only from £600m. to £700m. between 1865 and 1875 capital in industry, commerce and finance rose from £ 1,000m. to £l,600m.

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  6. (See Phyllis Deane and W. A. Cole, British Economic Growth 1688–1959 (1962), table 71, p. 274.) The great estate was thus to a large extent a social system, the opportunity costs of which were not negligible.

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© 1968 The Economic History Society

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Jones, E.L. (1968). Mid-Victorian Investment in Land. In: The Development of English Agriculture, 1815–1873. Studies in Economic and Social History. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-00334-1_5

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