Abstract
We have now surveyed all the regions of Great Britain, and it remains to draw the threads together and to consider how far British politics in this period can be explained in terms of region, class, religion, or other factors. It must, of course, be recognised that while the national boundaries between England, Scotland and Wales had an obvious cultural significance, the concept of the regions of England has a certain artificiality, for there was no general agreement in the period that we have examined about how important they were or even how many there should be or where their boundaries should be drawn.1 Yet C. B. Faweet’s delineation, though not directly related to a consideration of the political factors with which we have been concerned, does have many advantages in exposing to view the differences in political behaviour in different parts of the country, and in allowing characteristics of a local type to emerge in the regional statistics.
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Notes
J. S. Elder, Memories of an Old Scotch Burgh: Maxwelltown (Dumfries, 1897), pp. 83–84.
S. Gompers, Seventy Years of Life and Labor (New York, 1925), i, 80–81.
For the Marxist view see E. J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men (1964), p. 287.
For cabmen, see above, p. 12. For porters, see F. Gray, Confessions of a Candidate (1925), p. 10.
A. J. Marder, The Anatomy of British Sea Power (1941), p. 40.
E. Krehbiel, ‘Geographic Influences in British Elections’, Geographical Review, ii (1916), 427; D. J. Morrish, ‘The Geographical Study of the Results of British Parliamentary Elections from 1868 to 1910’ (Ph.D. thesis, Exeter Univ., 1955), p. 171.
‘The more corrupt the constituency, the more unpopular was a petition’: A. E. Pease, Elections and Recollections (1932), p. 55. ‘It is difficult to present a petition in an election court where you are seeking to vacate a seat after a popular election. The whole feeling of the town is against the petitioner. The court blazes with the colours of political opponents’: Sir John Walton, H.C. Deb., 4th ser., clx, 397 (6 July 1906).
L. Masterman, C. F. G. Masterman (1939), p. 152.
Lord G. Hamilton, Parliamentary Reminiscences and Reflections, 1886–1906 (1922), pp. 4–5.
J. Amery, Life of Joseph Chamberlain, iv (1951), 489 ff. The view that the Education Act played an important part in the 1906 electoral defeat naturally suited the Tariff Reformers.
D. C. Marsh, Changing Social Structure of England and Wales, 1871–1951 (1958), pp. 130–1.
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© 1967 Henry Pelling
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Pelling, H. (1967). Conclusion. In: Social Geography of British Elections 1885–1910. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-00301-3_17
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-00301-3_17
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