We have now surveyed all the regions of Great Britain, and it remains to draw the threads together and to consider how far British politics in this period can be explained in terms of region, class, religion, or other factors. It must, of course, be recognised that while the national boundaries between England, Scotland and Wales had an obvious cultural significance, the concept of the regions of England has a certain artificiality, for there was no general agreement in the period that we have examined about how important they were or even how many there should be or where their boundaries should be drawn.1 Yet C. B. Faweet’s delineation, though not directly related to a consideration of the political factors with which we have been concerned, does have many advantages in exposing to view the differences in political behaviour in different parts of the country, and in allowing characteristics of a local type to emerge in the regional statistics.


Labour Party Unionist Poll Liberal Party Personal Influence Social Geography 


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  1. 1.
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    S. Gompers, Seventy Years of Life and Labor (New York, 1925), i, 80–81.Google Scholar
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    For the Marxist view see E. J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men (1964), p. 287.Google Scholar
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    ‘The more corrupt the constituency, the more unpopular was a petition’: A. E. Pease, Elections and Recollections (1932), p. 55. ‘It is difficult to present a petition in an election court where you are seeking to vacate a seat after a popular election. The whole feeling of the town is against the petitioner. The court blazes with the colours of political opponents’: Sir John Walton, H.C. Deb., 4th ser., clx, 397 (6 July 1906).Google Scholar
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Copyright information

© Henry Pelling 1967

Authors and Affiliations

  • Henry Pelling
    • 1
  1. 1.St. John’s CollegeCambridgeUK

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