In strategic terms, Romania’s fate was settled at the Tehran Conference of Stalin, Roosevelt and Churchill at the end of November 1943. Soviet victories against the Germans had brought them to the western bank of the Dnieper River and convinced the American chiefs of staff of the wisdom of liberating Europe by invading Germany from the west, to meet the Red Army invading from the east. Churchill’s preference for a strategy of liberation based on the Mediterranean was rejected, and with it any hope of getting US and British troops into the Balkans before the Russians. The insistence on the ‘west-east’ strategy ensured that Stalin would be in a position to impose his will wherever the Red Army advanced. The basic problem for Britain and the United States after Tehran was what limits would Stalin observe, or could be persuaded to observe, on his newly acquired freedom of action. Unlike Stalin, neither Churchill nor Roosevelt could call upon military force to support their arguments in respect of Eastern Europe. Their alternatives were therefore either to acquiesce to Stalin’s demands, or to try to stay his hand by concluding agreements to which he could be held. In fact, they tried both.1


Prime Minister Soviet Government General Staff British Troop Radio Contact 


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  1. 32.
    David M. Glantz (2007), Red Storm over the Balkans (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas), pp. 373–4.Google Scholar
  2. 48.
    Other Jews parachuted into Romania to help gather details about Allied prisoners of war and who also helped to organize immigration to Palestine were Rico Lupescu and Arye Măcărescu (alias Joseph Marcus) (2–3 May 1944, code name ‘Anti-Climax Goulash’). Two more teams were dropped under the code names ‘Anti-Climax Ravioli’ (30–1 July over Arad) and ‘Anti-Climax Donier’ (late summer 1944). I wish to thank Alan Ogden for his help in gathering this information. The names of Dov Harari, Baruch Kamin, Uriel Kaner and Yeshayahu Dan are also recorded as parachutists (see Yoav Gelber (1990), ‘Parachutists’, Encylcopedia of the Holocaust, Volume 3, ed. Israel Gutman (New York: Macmillan), pp. 1104–7; and Leibovici-Laiş (1997): 52–3).Google Scholar
  3. 54.
    Refused permission by the Foreign Office to return to Romania, de Chastelain settled ultimately in Canada where he died in 1974. The Foreign Office was anxious not to upset the Russians who believed that the purpose of the ‘Autonomous’ mission had been to conclude a separate peace with Antonescu behind their backs. Molotov had made such a complaint to Churchill on 30 April 1944 (Barker (1976), p. 234). A Soviet study claimed that de Chastelain arrived secretly in Bucharest from Ankara in the second half of February 1945 ‘to pass on instructions to Prime Minister Nicolae Rădescu. Having received these instructions Rădescu began to implement the plan for the suppression of the [Communist] revolution [in Romania]’ (A. A. Shevyakov (1985), Otnosheniya mezhdu Sovetskim Soyuzom I Rumyniey 1944–1949 (Moscow: Nauka), p. 79).Google Scholar
  4. 55.
    Eduard Mark (1994), ‘The OSS in Romania, 1944–45: An Intelligence Operation of the Early Cold War’, Intelligence and National Security, Vol. 9(2): 320–44 (321);CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  5. see also Ernest H. Latham, Jr. (1998–9), ‘Efficient and Rapid: The Letters of Major Walter Ross of OSS on the Evacuation of Allied Airmen from Romania, 30 August–2 September 1944’, Romanian Civilization: A Journal of Romanian and East Central European Studies, Vol. 7(3) (Winter): 3–36, reprinted in Latham (2012b), pp. 299–345.Google Scholar
  6. 56.
    Ernest H. Latham, Jr. (1996), ‘All Thankful: Reports by Neutral Observers of American Prisoners of War Held in Romania, 1943–1944’, Romanian Civilization: A Journal of Romanian and East Central European Studies, Vol. 5(1) (Spring): 5–28, reprinted in Latham (2012a), pp. 270–98.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Dennis Deletant 2016

Authors and Affiliations

  • Dennis Deletant
    • 1
  1. 1.Georgetown UniversityUSA

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