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Confronting the Transition to Legality

  • Marie Vannetzel
Part of the The Sciences Po Series in International Relations and Political Economy book series (SPIRP)

Abstract

December 2012: In a little street in Faisal, a working-class neighborhood in the city of Giza, an office decked out in the colors of the Muslim Brotherhood’s (MB) Freedom and Justice Party catches the eye—the blue-and-white sign bears the name of the then manpower minister, Khaled al-Azhari, elected to parliament for this district in winter 2011–2012, and also announces that this is the place where food and other aid is handed out. It is 8 p.m. and the metal gate is drawn across the door. The street’s inhabitants say the office hasn’t been opened since the end of the presidential election in June 2012: “Yet they say that the minister still comes to the apartment he owns here, but no one has run into him.”1

Keywords

Ethical Conduct Informal Conversation Parliamentary Election Social Embeddedness Muslim Brotherhood 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

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Notes

  1. 10.
    Excerpt from Hassan al-Banna’s “Epistle of the Fifth Congress,” cited and translated into English by Richard P. Mitchell, The Society of the Muslim Brothers (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993 (1969)), p. 14.Google Scholar
  2. 11.
    Brynjar Lia, The Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt. The Rise of an Islamic Mass Movement, 1928–1942 (Reading, UK: Ithaca, 1998).Google Scholar
  3. 18.
    On this notion, see Alexandre Dézé, “Un parti ‘virtuel’? Le Front national au prisme de son site internet,” in Fabienne Greffet, Continuerlalutte.com. Les partis politiques sur le web (Paris: Presses de Sciences Po, 2011);Google Scholar
  4. and Bernard Pudal, Prendre Parti. Pour une sociologie historique du PCF (Paris: Presses de la FNSP, 1989).Google Scholar
  5. 19.
    See Marie Vannetzel, “Secret public, réseaux sociaux et morale politique. Les Frères musulmans et la société égyptienne,” Politix, vol. 23, no. 92 (2010): 75–95.Google Scholar
  6. 21.
    On this notion, see Alexandre Dézé, “Un parti ‘virtuel’?” and Myriam Aït-Aoudia and Alexandre Dézé, “Contribution à une approche sociologique de la gen è se partisane. Une analyse du Front national, du Movimiento sociale italiano, et du Front islamique de salut,” Revue française de science politique, vol. 61, no. 4 (2011): 631–657.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  7. 22.
    To use Pierre Bourdieu’s expression regarding the Catholic Church, in Practical Reason. On the Theory of Action (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), pp. 124–125.Google Scholar
  8. 24.
    Michel Hastings, “Partis politiques et administration du sens,” in Dominique Andolfatto, Fabienne Greffet, and Laurent Olivier (eds), Les partis politiques: quelles perspectives? (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2001), pp. 21–36.Google Scholar
  9. 32.
    See Sarah Ben Néfissa’s article on local governance in Egypt, “La vie politique locale: les mahalliyyât et le refus du politique,” in Vincent Battesti and François Ireton (eds), L’Egypte au présent. Inventaire d’une société avant la révolution (Cairo, Cedej, Paris: Karthala, 2011), pp. 343–366;Google Scholar
  10. and Jean-Noël Ferrié, L’Égypte entre démocratie et islamisme. Le système Moubarak à l’heure de la succession (Paris: Autrement, 2008).Google Scholar
  11. 35.
    See Jacques Lagroye, Appartenir à une institution. Catholiques en France aujourd’hui (Paris: Economica, 2009).Google Scholar

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© Marie Vannetzel 2016

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  • Marie Vannetzel

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